Sunday, November 20, 2011

Question of Truth For The Times: The Meme of Bloomberg as Champion of the First Amendment & Free Speech, Firmly Planted Before OWS Eviction

You know the old axiom for watching politicians: “Watch what he DOES, not what he SAYS”? Well, here is the axiom that Michael Bloomberg watchers ought to employ: “Listen to what he SAYS and then figure the OPPOSITE.” One opposite to figure: The notion Bloomberg wishes to promote that he is a big `defender of free speech.' But if you are reporting for the New York Times these days maybe you would just like to report Bloomberg's assertion as fact.

Planning (and Planting?) In Advance?

According to one of the articles appearing in the New York Times the day that Bloomberg moved to evict the Occupy Wall Street protesters from Zucotti Park, the police raid that effected the eviction was planned in advance, carefully, minutely and in secrecy at the very highest levels with the intention that it be a surprise. (See: After an Earlier Misstep, a Minutely Planned Raid/Operation to Clear Zucotti Park, Carefully Planned, Unfolded Without Warning- the second headline is the Times print edition’s, by Al Baker and Joseph Goldstein, Published: November 15, 2011.
That article focused principally on police associated logistics, the day and time of night chosen. (Was even the weather watched?) One thing we didn’t learn from the article was about other the planning that took place at the highest levels of the Bloomberg administration, including one thing we will now direct Noticing New York attention to: the planting in the media of a meme. On November 4, 2011, ten days before police were ordered into action for their 1:00 AM November 15th, raid, the front page of the Friday New York Times carried a story with a headline and content laudatory of Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s esteem for “Free Speech.” Quoting that article:
Mr. Bloomberg’s evolving response to the protest has come to embody a central tension in his third term, between his celebration of free, and at times cacophonous, speech as a hallmark of New York, and his emphasis on bolstering the city’s economy by improving its appeal to residents, employers and tourists.

* * * *

Mr. Bloomberg has managed simultaneously to be less sympathetic to the protesters’ point of view, and more sympathetic to their right to protest, than some other elected officials around the nation. “There’s nobody that’s more of a defender of the First Amendment than I am,” he has often said.
(See: Demonstrators Test Mayor, a Backer of Wall St. and Free Speech, by Kate Taylor, November 3, 2011.)

Where Do Quotes Come From?

As for the Bloomberg quote, “There’s nobody that’s more of a defender of the First Amendment than I am,” which the Times article describes as frequently stated: I can’t find it anywhere on the web and it appears nowhere on the Times own site except in that same article.

The article was written by Times reporter Kate Taylor. As pointed out in an earlier Noticing New York article, Kate Taylor was one of the two Times reporters who dutifully reported what looked like a direct pass-along for the Bloomberg administration, that the mayor’s staff was “under strict orders from Mr. Bloomberg” not to “lobby the owner of the park, Brookfield Office Properties, about whether to push ahead, leaving the decision up to the company’s management, according to several people involved in the discussions” while simultaneously failing to mention what had been in the Times just the day before, that Diana Taylor, the Mayor’s girlfriend and live-in companion, was on the board of Brookfield.

While reporter Kate Taylor did not let the Bloomberg/Diana Taylor relationship go unmentioned in her new article about Bloomberg as the `backer of free speech,' her reporting makes it sound as if her sympathies are with the mayor, that she considers it a sorrowful misfortune that the very small world of the rich and powerful necessitates uncomfortable disclosures: “At one point, he felt compelled to disclose that he did not talk about Zuccotti Park while in bed with his girlfriend.”

The morning following the eviction of the protesters Bloomberg said in his press conference that throughout the crisis he had been in constant contact with Brookfield Properties. Interesting . . . . Square that with Ms. Tayor’s reporting that staff contact was proscribed and that pillow talk was also avoided. It's possible.

Meme Gets Rolling

Did Ms. Taylor write her front page story because Bloomberg held a press conference the day of her story where he stated he was concerned about “free speech” or was this a theme Ms. Taylor was already working on and getting attached to it before that? No matter, once this story appeared on the front page of the Times the meme was up and running despite the fact that Bloomberg had already been saying that he did not think that what the protesters were doing in Zucotti Park constituted free speech. The meme was even picked up right away in a Times editorial that was otherwise complementary about how the message of the Occupy Wall Street protesters was getting through to the public.

As such, the meme was prophylactically in place and the following wound up embedded in one of the major stories the Times immediately ran covering the eviction.
For the mayor, a champion of the First Amendment who made a fortune on Wall Street and defends its virtues, the decision was even more freighted: just a month ago, he announced that the city would clear the park for cleaning, but backed down after a chorus of political protest and an influx of new demonstrators.

* * * *

Facing mounting criticism from the city’s tabloids and from some business interests for his tolerance of an encampment they found increasingly noxious, he spoke increasingly of the need to balance free speech with public safety.
(See: Jolted, Wall St. Protesters Face Challenge for Future, By David M. Halbfinger and Michael Barbaro, November 15, 2011.)

And the meme was similarly picked up by the Times in another story that day here: City Reopens Park After Protesters Are Evicted, by James Barron and Colin Moynihan, November 15, 2011.

In fact, Michael Barbaro, one of the reporters writing the article with the paragraphs quoted above, let the meme peek through a few days before in an article about how Bloomberg was developing new oratorical skills and was increasingly being inspired to do his own authoring as he addressed grand issues. The puffy article is made up of quotes and information supplied by Bloomberg staff:
Again and again, Mr. Bloomberg celebrates New York’s public disputes, even the two-month-old Occupy Wall Street protest, though he has struggled over how to balance the free-speech rights of demonstrators in Lower Manhattan with the concerns of annoyed neighbors.
(Data-Crunching Mayor Now Sees Power in Words, by Michael Barbaro, November 12, 2011.)

Within days of Kate Taylor’s front page article, the meme was even picked up and incorporated in WNYC’s Brian Lehrer show when Lehrer introduced a segment on the Mayor and the Occupiers with Joyce Purnick and Matt Taibbi guesting. Lehrer said “he’s been supportive of their free speech rights, maybe more than some other mayors” and Bloomberg biographer Purnick moments later emphatically stated that “he is a firm supporter of the First Amendment.” (See: What OWS Tells Us About Mike Bloomberg, Monday, November 07, 2011.) Item of disclosure and interest: I can be heard during that segment phoning in to venture my disbelief that Bloomberg is a true supporter of free speech as opposed to merely being an ostensible one.

Better To Accompany Eviction With a Mayor Loves Free Speech Story Than a Mayor Tolerates Dogs Story

Is it true that Mayor Bloomberg is the “backer” of “free speech,” the “champion of the First Amendment”? Certainly the press that Bloomberg is now getting to this effect is lot better than the press Bloomberg might have been getting for his tone deafness if his originally planned eviction of the protesters had gone through, as scheduled, the day the Times ran its `Mayor tolerates dogs’ (“Bonnie and Clyde”) story. (See: Saturday, October 22, 2011, Occupy Wall Street and the Banks- Messages From Bonnie & Clyde, “They’ve Got Too Much Money”: Ownership of the Public Forum by the Wealthy?)

Are reporters doing their job, are they worth their salt if the report that Bloomberg is a “backer” of “free speech,” the “champion of the First Amendment”?

Testing the Times. . . Against the Record That Appears in the Times

Since the media buy-in to the meme that Bloomberg is a “champion of the First Amendment” probably originated or was significantly bolstered by the Times front page article promoting that idea, the best place I could think of to put that notion to the test was . . . the Times itself. What did the Times report about Bloomberg’s positions on free speech and the First Amendment before the Occupiers Occupied Zucotti Park?

Much of it could be summed up by these words from a Times editorial in the spring of 2006:
Mr. Bloomberg's record on free speech took a beating in his first term after he moved aggressively to limit protests, most notably those surrounding the Republican National Convention in New York two years ago. And as a report in yesterday's Times by Jim Dwyer made clear, the Police Department's willingness to subvert free speech in the name of security appears to have gone beyond that one event to an ongoing strategy that included "proactive arrests" of political demonstrators who were spotted as potential troublemakers.
(See: Editorial: The Mayor and the Imam, March 18, 2006.)

Donations From the Wealthy Are Said To Privatize a Great Public Space And Curtail Free Speech

One year later, another Times editorial prompted by a First Amendment lawsuit criticized Bloomberg for his selectivity in denying “the right to demonstrate on Central Park’s Great Lawn” mainly because the wealthy in New York had paid to refurbish its lawn. Apparently, if you want to privatize public space and make it off-limits for political expression (and there is a lot of that going on in New York City) it is no longer necessary for the wealthiest to actually acquire and take legal title to that space. Said the Times:
In the heart of the nation’s largest and arguably most opinionated city, there is no place to hold a large rally. Central Park has long been the site of such gatherings, but the Bloomberg administration insists that its grass is too fragile to permit them now. It’s an inadequate and distressing rationale . .

. . Central Park, at 843 acres of green, is often called the city's lungs. But it is also its vocal cords. The Great Lawn, with 13 acres of open space, is the most suitable site for large rallies in Manhattan. It has been the site of some spectacular events, like the 1982 "No Nukes" rally and the 1995 Mass with the pope, both of which drew more than a hundred thousand people.

Mayor Michael Bloomberg wants to put an end to such gatherings. Since around the time of the 2004 Republican convention, when the city repeatedly denied protesters the right to gather in Central Park, his administration seems to have had a wild fixation on saving every blade of the Great Lawn.

* * * *

The lawsuit also calls attention to the uneven way the city applies its rules. It’s telling that while the New York Philharmonic and its well-heeled subscribers have had no problem securing the Great Lawn for concerts, there hasn’t been a rally there in years. Classical music fans are just as capable of flattening grass as critics of the White House.

* * * *

The mayor’s solution might make tending the grass in Central Park easier. But turning Manhattan into a rally-free zone is too high a price to pay.
(See: Editorial: The Perfect Lawn, Mowed and Muted, March 12, 2007.)

Bloomberg Politically Motivated As He Curtails Speech

The Times editorial could have been even harsher if it had looked back to evidence of the calculated and politically motivated way that Bloomberg had suppressed speech as reported only months before in its own pages. Here is just the beginning of a very long article presenting such documentation:
When city officials denied demonstrators access to the Great Lawn in Central Park during the 2004 Republican National Convention, political advocates and ordinary New Yorkers accused Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg of squelching demonstrations that could embarrass fellow Republicans during their gathering.

Documents Regarding Use of Great Lawn (justiceonline.org) The Bloomberg administration denied being guided by politics in banning the protests. Instead, officials said they were motivated by a concern for the condition of the expensively renovated Great Lawn or by law enforcement’s ability to secure the crowd.

But documents that have surfaced in a federal lawsuit over the use of the Great Lawn paint a different picture, of both the rationale for the administration’s policy and the degree of Mr. Bloomberg’s role in enforcing it.

Those documents, which include internal e-mail messages and depositions in the court case, show that Mr. Bloomberg’s involvement in the deliberations over the protests may have been different from how he and his aides have portrayed it. They also suggest that officials were indeed motivated by political concerns over how the protests would play out while the Republican delegates were in town, and how the events could affect the mayor’s re-election campaign the following year.
(See: In Court Papers, a Political Note on ’04 Protests, by Diane Cardwell, July 31, 2006.)

Rewriting and De-Righting the Constitution

Back at the time of the Republican Convention protests the Times reported that Bloomberg was saying that the protesters instead of having a right of free speech only benefitted from a privilege to speak that would be lost by them if they were, in Bloomberg’s opinion, unreasonable. One person quoted in that article commented that it was as if “the mayor paid someone to rewrite the Constitution.” (See: Behavior May Cost Protesters 'Privileges,' Bloomberg Says, by Jennifer Steinhauer, August 17, 2004.)

Bloomberg: "Let Me Tell You How I Want You To Protest"

For Bloomberg free speech is ideally exercised by others in the fashion he prescribes which is also likely to be less effective. This is pointed out in Times columnist Clyde Haberman’s most recent column:
In February 2003, a few weeks before the start of the Iraq war, antiwar organizers wanted to march along First Avenue past the United Nations as part of a worldwide day of protest. Citing security risks, the city said no. Instead, with a federal judge’s approval, it forced the antiwar groups to accept a visually less engaging rally in Dag Hammarskjold Plaza.
(See: November 16, 2011, It’s Not Just What You Protest, It’s Where, by Clyde Haberman and also Critical of Judge's Ruling, Antiwar Protesters Brace for Rally, by James Barron, February 15, 2003)

This notion of dictating that protest be in the `less noticeable, less offensive, and less effective’ modes that the powers-that-be prescribe is a variation on what Bill Maher has talked about: That the plutocrats want the 99% to stay off the streets and do things the plutocratic way with “lobbyists and suits” because then they will certainly lose (and can be ignored) given that all the “lobbyists and suits” are on the side of the plutocrats. (See: Wednesday, October 26, 2011, Bill Maher: Right Wing, Wanting It THEIR Way, Yearns To Get Occupy Wall Street On THEIR Unlevel Playing Field of Lobbyists and Suits and Wednesday, November 9, 2011, Bill Maher Reiterates Theme of Plutocrats Favored By Unlevel Playing Field of "Lobbyists & Suits": Glenn Greenwald Dittos Advantaging Rules For Elite.

Protesters Likened To Terrorists

It is not that Bloomberg never invokes the concept of “free speech” at all. Right after the Republican Convention left town Times columnist Clyde Haberman commented on some strange Bloombergian rhetoric. Bloomberg extolling free speech rights (of the Republicans) likened the protesters to terrorists. Haberman referred to the “less-than-edifying moments on the part of some anti-Bush types who cornered convention delegates on the street, haranguing them with tirades of the four-lettered variety”:
That these protesters were ill-mannered, at best, seems beyond question.

But does that put them in the same league with terrorists? Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg seems to think so. "A handful of people have tried to destroy our city by going up and yelling at visitors here because they don't agree with their views," Mr. Bloomberg said yesterday.

This, he continued, is "the city for free speech if there ever was one, and some people think that we shouldn't allow people to express themselves."

"That's exactly what the terrorists did, if you think about it, on 9/11. Now this is not the same kind of terrorism, but there's no question that these anarchists are afraid to let people speak out."
(See: It's Safe to Return, Girlie Men, by Clyde Haberman, September 3, 2004.)

Bloomberg Ostensibly In favor of What He takes Away

The few times when Bloomberg is extolling the First Amendment or free speech for its own sake have to be distinguished from the times when Bloomberg extolls free speech while at the same time cracking down on its exercise by others. (The OWS-related media management essentially reprises this tactic except for Bloomberg's adroit PR move of getting out the meme about his believing in the First Amendment somewhat before he moved on the eviction.) Bloomberg exercised his own free speech rights as mayor (and soon-to-be-richest New Yorker) by likening protesters at the Republican Convention to terrorists. Thereafter, when the City Correction Department's top chaplain complained that the Bush White House, which had launched a pre-emptive war in Iraq, was “occupied by terrorists” Bloomberg penalized the chaplain, suspending him without pay for two weeks, while at the same time defending his free speech rights. Is that a “political” straddle or is it “Solomonic”? The suspended jail chaplain had also attacked “Zionists of the media.” (See: Mayor Suspends Top Jail Chaplain While Defending Free Speech, by Sewell Chan, March 15, 2006.)

Deliberately Provoking Protesters To Do What Bloomberg Says Will Lose Them Their Rights

After relegating protesters to those protest locations he prefers and warning them that he will take their rights away if he doesn’t consider their protesting reasonably conducted it might be nice if Bloomberg at least let the protesters retain control of their own message without manufacturing interference to make them look bad. He doesn't. In 2005 the Times editorial page chastised Bloomberg for doing the the very opposite, for using agent provocateurs and “underhanded” tactics as the Times said, “to spy on and even distort political protests and mass rallies.” The editorial was based on the “sorry tale" that was " laid out by Jim Dwyer” in the previous day’s Times, a story that was, in turn, based on a forensically analyzed archive of civilian and police videotapes that showed among other things “a sham arrest of a man secretly working with the police” designed by “New York City police officers or people working with them” to “set off a bruising confrontation with demonstrators.” Not pulling any punches the Times editorial said:
Protesters were put on the ground, and at least two were arrested. Meanwhile, the blond-haired man spoke quietly with the police and was quickly led away. The same man was videotaped at an arrest scene a day earlier calling out words that seemed intended to rile the bystanders.

This was a deliberate effort to incite violence that would in turn justify a tough police response.
And it concluded (after describing other objectionable police conduct involving surveillance):
Mayor Michael Bloomberg's record on free speech is already pretty poor. Unless he wants to make a disregard for New Yorkers' rights part of his legacy, he should make sure that the police understand what civil liberties mean in a democracy.
(See: Editorial: Surveillance, New York Style, December 23, 2005.)

No one that I am aware of has yet reported that agent provocateur tactics were used again against Occupy Wall Street but one thing that may need to be investigated is reports that police sent young men being booked for crimes in the direction of Zucotti Park because the park was a place to sleep and get some free food from the protesters. Remember that at his press conference the day of the eviction the mayor said one reason he felt compelled to move in was that there ostensibly issues with safety due to the way some fringe individuals were conducting themselves in the park.

Free Speech Messes at Columbia?

Bloomberg got involved offering a somewhat rambling `rebuke’ to Columbia University about protesters interrupting the free speech of others on the campus. That involved a speech by Jim Gilchrist of the Minuteman Project, which mounts armed patrols to curb illegal immigration. The statement about the free speech right to speak or speak while not being interrupted versus the free speech right to harangue would hardly qualify Bloomberg as a free speech champion. Bloomberg might have been attracted to comment about free speech issues at Columbia University because there had been so much recent high-profile focus at the university respecting free speech issues of interest to the city’s Jewish electorate, harassment of Jewish students by pro-Palestinian faculty members and the question of whether Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, should speak there. After being disinvited Ahmadinejad ultimately did come to speak at Columbia. While the head of Bloomberg's Police Department didn't want Ahmadinejad laying a wreath at Ground Zero, Bloomberg said that Ahmadinejad speaking was free speech but that he personally wouldn't be in the audience.

Another reason for Bloomberg to snipe at Columbia's president Bollinger about free speech issues in the educational environment?: Bollinger had already sniped at the handling of such issues by Bloomberg's City Education Department being run by Joel Klien.

Which First Amendment Rights?

Since the First Amendment to the Constitution also encompasses the prohibitions against Congress establishing religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, it is technically correct to say that Bloomberg is defending the First Amendment when on David Letterman he says that “government shouldn’t be involved” in prohibiting a mosque or Muslim Community Center near Ground Zero. It's true that is championing the First Amendment, but when the Times calls Bloomberg a “champion of the First Amendment” in the context of removing the Occupy Wall Street protesters from Zucotti Park it naturally implies that the Times is talking about the protesters’ free speech rights not their right to freely practice their religion.

Controlling Speech

Bloomberg a free speech champion? Bloomberg likes control. Had the New York City hosted the 2012 Olympic the Bloomberg administration planned to control the content of advertising and control who was going to be allowed to advertise while the Olympics were in town. (See: City Demands the Final Word If It Wins 2012 Olympics Bid, by Jennifer Steinhauer, May 1, 2004.)

In 2006 Bloomberg sought to change the rules respecting public assembly. Rather than just required permits for amplified sound or marching in a public roadway it was proposed to require “police permits for every sidewalk procession involving 35 or more people, every roadway procession with 20 or more vehicles or bicycles, and every procession of two or more people using a roadway.” (See: Op-Ed Contributor: License to Stroll, by Christopher Dunn and Donna Lieberman, August 13, 2006.)

Free Speech of the Sort That Benefits Bloomberg

Bloomberg does champion the way that the First Amendment protects free speech that only he can exercise: Bloomberg is mayor because of the personal fortune he has spent in campaign and other funds to secure that office. The term “personal fortune” should be used advisedly because Bloomberg accrued most of his wealth after going into politics and became the wealthiest New Yorker while mayor and while his company, Bloomberg, L.P. was doing business and selling Bloomberg terminals to almost every company in the city with which the City of New York has significant interactions. When in 2003 two city councilmen introduced a bill to “prevent Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg from using his personal fortune on an advertising campaign asking New Yorkers to abolish party labels and party primaries in city elections,” Edward Skyler, a spokesman for Bloomberg, said: “Such legislation would be illegal, since it would violate the First Amendment.” From Bloomberg’s point of view he can regard the law as safely protecting all of the spending that put him into and kept him in political power as protected “free speech”

Something You Learn In Journalism School: Bloomberg's Money Speaks

Consider this free speech tangle with respect to Bloomberg’s expenditures of money to control how his image is perceived. Understand first that Patti Harris, Bloomberg’s First Deputy Mayor and top political strategist, controls the disbursement, annually, of hundreds of thousands of dollars in “charitable” contributions by Bloomberg’s Bloomberg, L.P. Against that background Bloomberg L.P. hired Tom Goldstein, then the dean of the Graduate School of Journalism at Columbia, “to help ensure impartiality in the company's coverage of Mayor Bloomberg.” Mark Crispin Miller, a professor at New York University’s education school quoted in a New York Observer article “called the hiring troublesome because of the conflicts Mr. Goldstein's relationship might pose for Columbia, which has business with the city government.” The Observer article misidentified Miller as an NYU journalism professor: He was actually “a media critic and a professor of media ecology at the Steinhardt School of Education.” Miller “also called a news media tour of the renovated City Hall `improper'’ because it had resulted in front-page pictures that included Bloomberg terminals, which he described as ''product placement.” (This was before Bloomberg’s wealth from terminal sales really skyrocketed.)

The result of this (perfectly fair) criticism of Bloomberg by NYU Professor Miller? Here’s the lead-in to the Times story from which the quotes in the paragraph above are taken:
Bloomberg L.P., a financial information service that prides itself on philanthropic activity, told officials at New York University last year that the company would no longer support a business journalism program because a professor in its education school had criticized the company and its founder, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, the university said yesterday.
Bloomberg terminated the $26,000 per annum it was contributing to the two fellowships. (See: Bloomberg L.P. Stops Aiding N.Y.U. Fellows After Criticism, by Stephanie Strom, February 21, 2003.)

Prof. Stephen D. Solomon, the founder and director of NYU’s business journalism program, saw a free speech issue in all of this:
''This whole thing is ironic because in addition to running the business and economic journalism program, I also teach First Amendment law to undergraduate and graduate students''
Bloomberg’s defense?:
Edward Skyler, a spokesman for Mayor Bloomberg, said, “The donation of Bloomberg terminals to the mayor's office was cleared by the conflict of interest board, and any pictures of the mayor at his desk are meant to illustrate his work environment and aren't intended to promote that product.”
Stacking Up The Rights of the Monied Individual vs. the Public

How do Bloomberg’s protected free speech rights stack up against the rights of the public not to be overpowered by the expenditures of the vast sums he controls? Bloomberg would not be in office right now had he not, in the middle of the election cycle, changed the City Charter to allow himself a third term. When he made that change to the City Charter a lawsuit was brought where one of the arguments of the plaintiffs’ lawyers was that the public’s “free speech” rights were violated, that:
by changing the limits legislatively, the city had violated voters’ constitutional rights to free speech and due process. They charged, in essence, that the new term limits law annulled a decision that had been twice endorsed at the polls and gave an unfair advantage to two-term incumbents over political newcomers who might have wished to challenge them
The courts did not uphold the proposition that the "free speech" rights of the public had been violated. (See: Judge Rejects Suit Over Term Limits, by Fernanda Santos, January 13, 2009.)

The change to the City Charter in 2009 might have been successfully headed off if, in 2003, a proposed law had been adopted that was “meant to discourage wealthy New Yorkers from using their money to sway public opinion on proposals to revise the City Charter.” The problem with that bill?: It was considered that such prohibitions respecting the wealthy and the spending of their wealth to charge the charter, as Bloomberg eventually did, would have been a violation of their First Amendment's free speech protections. A substitute bill that was proposed but it would have had no effect on Bloomberg because Bloomberg has never needed to take public “matching funds” to promote his causes. (See: Bill Seeks to Discourage Wealthy From Swaying Charter Changes, by Jonathan P. Hicks, September 30, 2003.)

Every Benefit That Goes Around, Comes Around- If You're Rich Enough

It’s funny how things can get turned around in terms of who needs protection from whom and what laws should be resorted to in this regard. When the U.S. Supreme Court decided in Bush v. Gore to intervene and prevent the statewide recount ordered by the Florida's highest court (that ballot counts show, in retrospect, would have given the state’s electoral votes and the election to Al Gore), the justices deciding for Bush ironically cited the equal protection provisions under the Constitution that one would have thought were intended to protect minorities. Thus the justices did the opposite. The same sort of unfortunate irony presented itself in a lawsuit brought in 2008 by the “real estate industry and lobbyists, who together provide millions in campaign cash for city candidates, are trying to overturn a new law that would vastly reduce how much they can donate.” They said that the law's prohibition of their ability to contribute those vast sums “violated free speech and equal protection provisions of the Constitution and discriminated against minorities.” (See: Suit Against New Campaign Finance Law Claims Racial Bias, by Ray Rivera, February 12, 2008.)

Bloomberg Support For The Free Speech That Works For Big Business

What does the future hold for free speech and protection of the public? Assertion of the right to free speech of the particular variety that Bloomberg extols seems to be working well for big business even when weighed against public protection, safety health and welfare. Bloomberg, L.P. was among the companies that aligned itself with Big Pharma asserting the free speech rights of the drug companies to overturn Vermont’s law that was to keep doctors’ prescription records confidential to prevent the doctors from being marketed to with that information. The law got overturned. So, in this regard maybe Bloomberg is a champion of First Amendment free speech rights. But free speech for the rest of us? (See: A Fight Over How Drugs Are Pitched, by Natasha Singer, April 24, 2011.)

Miscellany of Legal Cases and Disputes Involving Bloomberg and Free Speech

As should be expected, you can find in the Times for the period that Bloomberg has been in office a very long list of stories about all the lawsuits, issues and disputes involving the city and Bloomberg as mayor, many of which would inevitably come up no matter who was in office (things like what city employees can say and to whom). None of these stories is individually that important or nor probably determinative in providing insight with respect to Bloomberg as a potential defender of free speech rights. Collectively, you can note that more or less across the board in all these stories the Bloomberg administration is on the opposing side of free speech rights. A certain amount of this is to be expected.

You are welcome to comb these links as I have done already. You won’t find anything in them that would cause one to believe that Bloomberg is a defender of “free speech.” You are likely to find a number that cause you to think otherwise and, depending where you draw your own personal lines with respect to the right to free speech, the number may be greater. They involve things like: artists and book vendors being kicked out of public parks, union disputes over “exorbitant” fines on transit workers who walk out, whether a coalition to stop school closings can protest outside the mayor’s residence, whether artists can carry all their art supplies on the subway, how stingy or not the city can be in “credentialing” those who they wish to treat as having journalist privileges, how tightly shops that sell sexually oriented material can be regulated, shutting down a controversial art exhibit, restrictions on street begging, restrictions on street boxes to dispense newspapers, etc.
Judge Blocks City’s Crisis Pregnancy Center Law
By David W. Chen, July 13, 2011

• July 8, 2010, Artists Challenge City’s Limit on Vendors
By Javier C. Hernandez

Metro Briefing | New York: Manhattan: Transit Union Sues City
By Sewell Chan (NYT); Compiled by John Sullivan, November 24, 2005

Manhattan: Principal of Arabic School Sues City
By Jennifer Medina, November 20, 2007

Metro Briefing | New York: Queens: Rehiring Ordered In Blackface Case
By Julia Preston (NYT); Compiled by George James, December 1, 2004

• November 23, 2009, Artist Arrested for 42nd Time, This Time on the High Line
By Jennifer 8. Lee

Hearing on Limits for Vendors Gets Creative Response
By Javier C. Hernandez, April 23, 2010

• January 15, 2010, Protesters Win Right to March Outside Mayor’s House
By Sharon Otterman

Federal Panel Finds Bias in Ouster of Principal
By Andrea Elliott, March 12, 2010

NYC: Labeled by Their Own Markers
By Clyde Haberman, April 28, 2006

• November 12, 2008, N.Y.P.D. Is Sued Over Denial of Press Credentials
By Sewell Chan

Judges Back New York City's Effort to Curb Sex Shops
By Sabrina Tavernise, April 13, 2005

Comments on TV Are Issue in Police Captain's Conduct
By Al Baker, February 22, 2006

Brooklyn Art Exhibition Comes Down Amid Protest
By Randy Kennedy and Janon Fisher, May 9, 2006

Judge Orders End to Arrest of Beggars
By Jim Dwyer, June 11, 2005

Neighborhood Report: New York up Close; News Box Law Walks a Line Between First Amendment and Public Safety
By Erika Kinetz, August 25, 2002
2006 Bloomberg Says Criticizing Government Is Patriotic: Say Again?

Is the Times record totally devoid of Bloomberg statements that promote the idea of free speech in the traditional sense? No. I found one story (but only one) where Bloomberg sounds almost exactly like the protesters of Occupy Wall Street. He made the statement in question when he was lobbying the Bush administration for a greater share of Department of Homeland Security aid. That money is often spent on security measures that make citizens feel more constricted with respect to their civil liberties. The remark was made in 2006 when the Bush administration was very unpopular in New York. Also, from a variety of stories in the Times at the time it looks as if Bloomberg may have wanted in 2006, with there being a safe remove in time from memories of the 2004 Republican convention, to rehabilitate the way he was perceived on the issue of free speech. Bloomberg said:
"There is nothing — absolutely nothing — wrong with criticizing our government, on any topic, and challenging it to live up to the democratic ideals."

The mayor added: "It is not unpatriotic; in fact, what could be more patriotic?"
(See: Bloomberg Denounces the Pressure Not to Question Leaders, by Winnie Hu, June 11, 2006.)

That's All The Grey Lady Wrote. . .

All of the forgoing is what a review of Times’ own reporting of Bloomberg’s history reveals when it comes to free speech. So where is the record that justifies the recent reports in the New York Times furnished in connection with the eviction of the Occupy Wall Street protesters that Bloomberg, notwithstanding the protesters' eviction, is confirmed, in any way, to be more than moderate or minimal supporter of free speech rights? Don’t the all the most important things in the record show the situation to be precisely the contrary?

. . . . Except “Bloomberg now wants to dominate a new sphere — the world of opinion.”

Noting that Bloomberg has no receptivity to the views of Occupy Wall Street and doesn’t think that Occupy Wall Street should be promoting their views in the streets, using street demonstration tactics as their figurative public megaphone, and that Bloomberg apparently also would aver that the Occupy Wall Street protesters should be promoting their views the same way he does, I thought I would leave you with the telling information in this New York Times article:
Over the last year, representatives of Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg quietly reached out to a handful of the country’s top journalists with an intriguing job offer: Divine and distill his singular brand of political philosophy and disseminate it around the globe for an annual salary of close to $500,000.

After conquering Wall Street in the 1970s, crushing competitors in the information-technology industry in the ’80s and reigning over New York City politics for the past decade, the ever-ambitious Mr. Bloomberg now wants to dominate a new sphere — the world of opinion.

At the mayor’s urging, his giant media company will soon make a splashy foray into opinion, churning out columns and essays on issues as varied as gun control and deficit spending. At the center: up to two editorials a day that channel the views of Mr. Bloomberg himself.
(March 1, 2011, Morning Buzz | Bloomberg’s New Venture, by Daniel E. Slotnik.)

The article above comes up when you do a search of the Times web site for “Bloomberg” + “free speech” but only because of the coincidence that there is another story reporting about free speech that appears on the same page.

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Breaking News: 1:00 AM Bloomberg Moves In To Evict Occupy Wall Street Protesters

(Above, a picture of Mayor Bloomberg’s dogs, Bonnie and Clyde, at Occupy Wall Street, explained here.)

Noticing New York and National Notice usually don’t cover breaking news. A breaking news focus doesn’t readily permit the kind of considered contextual articles that seem to be the most valuable addition that can be made to the prevalent media chatter. This article will make this exception to cover important breaking news.

Bloomberg reportedly had the New York Police Department move in at 1:00 AM last night (without warning) to remove the Occupy Wall Street protesters from Zucotti Park. According to one of the protesters who was there, interviewed on the BBC, the police moved in with knives to cut up and shred the property at the encampment. Reportedly about 70 protesters were arrested. (Another report said 200.) On the BBC you can hear protesters chanting to the police: “Who do you serve: Who do you protect?” and “Shame on you.” You can also hear, “Don’t push me.”

The dispersed protesters are now reassembling at a number of other nearby city sites. There were reports that Bloomberg closed down subway stations to divert the public away from the area.

Bloomberg seems to have chosen his time to evict the protesters so as to fold it in into reports of attempted evictions occurring elsewhere in the country. So it will be less noticed? So, with the help of a short public memory, it will hopefully disappear after a quick run through the 24- hour news cycle?

Bloomberg held a press conference this morning to explain his actions. Most notable in the press conference from standpoint of what Noticing New York and National Notice have previously reported were the following:
• Bloomberg cited health and safety reasons (not suppression of the protesters speech) as the principal reason for removing the protesters. In doing so he gave what I believe were inaccurate (and to my mind manufactured) descriptions of the conditions in Zucotti Park. The many times I have been to Zucotti Park while the protesters were there I never found or felt it was unsafe. I never found that it was difficult to enter or use the park except for the impediments in doing so that came from police barricades and sometimes from shoulder to shoulder police. I did not note that the many elderly choosing to be in the park seemed to feel any concern about their safety. A paralyzed protester in an expensive wheelchair and on a breathing apparatus also did not seem in the least perturbed about his safety. Why did Bloomberg feel it necessary to stress multiple mischaracterizations in this regard during his press conference? Why bother to say things like “there were reports of. . [insert inflammatory thing that didn’t happen] . . . but the police could find no evidence of this”?

• Bloomberg also said several times that the protesters had to be removed because they were violating Brookfield’s property rights. That’s something already written about by Noticing New York and National Notice. Brookfield is the theoretical owner of Zucotti Park. Zucotti Park is the kind of quasi-public space we now see replacing and substituting what used clearly to be public space. So Bloomberg is making the case that Brookfield’s ownership private rights were an operative factor justifying constriction of the protesters’ rights to free speech and free assembly. The argument that free speech violates property rights is increasingly easy as the skewing of wealth in this country to the 1% conjoins with a rapid and continuing privatization of what was previously public.

• Bloomberg was very clear that going forward he (together with Brookfield) intends to be in control of exactly how he wants the protesters to exercise their free speech rights in Zucotti Park. He said this will extend to the police searching people entering Zucotti Park, randomly or as the police see fit.

• Bloomberg said that he did not believe that the protesters were exercising their free speech rights. At the same time Bloomberg has been working to have the press report repeatedly that he is a strong believer in “free speech.” Again, one theme of Bloomberg’s press conference was that he is willing to tell the protesters how they may and should express themselves.

• At one point during the press conference Bloomberg mocked the strength of Occupy Wall Streeters’ ideas and their inability to get their ideas out in other ways. Some of their ideas are that a 1% Club, of which Bloomberg (who became the city’s wealthiest man while mayor) is conspicuously a member, exercise too much control in this country. That most certainly extends to control over who gets to say what and where and with what kind of amplification by the media and with what kind of assistance by paid advertising.

• In the press conference Bloomberg said that throughout the crisis he had been in constant contact with Brookfield Properties. This was despite the fact that earlier in the coverage of Occupy Wall Street the Bloomberg’s administration had prevailed upon the New York Times to report that Bloomberg’s staff was under “strict orders from Mr. Bloomberg” not to “lobby the owner of the park, Brookfield Office Properties.” I did not hear anyone at that press conference ask Mr. Bloomberg about the fact that his live-in girlfriend companion, Diana Taylor, is on the board of Brookfield.
Informative background with respect to much of the above is available in an earlier and thorough Noticing New York article written about Bloomberg’s intention to evict the protesters back on October 13th: Saturday, October 22, 2011, Occupy Wall Street and the Banks- Messages From Bonnie & Clyde, “They’ve Got Too Much Money”: Ownership of the Public Forum by the Wealthy?

(Above, another picture of Mayor Bloomberg’s dogs, Bonnie and Clyde, at Occupy Wall Street, explained here.)

Saturday, November 12, 2011

Damned If You . . . WHAT? Deep Doo Doo (or Don’t Don’t) Questions For Whistleblowers: Does All It Hinge On Private vs Public Sector Employment?

(Picture of fired Penn State football coach Joe Paterno above from Wikipedia.)

From the world of football to the world of politics, that's where we are going, but we are not going to be talking sports metaphors applied to politics. . . The topic by which we will make our segue is very real world: the duties of of whistleblowers . . . . How they may be punished for what they do or, as the case may be, don't do.

A lot of eyes are going to be on the Penn State football game that is being played today.

In the Penn: Trouble For What You Don't Do

The Penn State sexual abuse of young minors scandal presents an interesting question now that it has resulted in the firing of the university’s football coach Joe Paterno and university president Graham Spanier. Without getting unduly specific about the unattractive details of the allegations with respect to Jerry Sandusky it is interesting to note that some think that the fired Paterno did nothing wrong.

That’s what's said in this high Google-ranking letter to the editor taking issue with a Star Ledger editorial:
In your editorial “Paterno must go” (Nov. 8), you say he should have called the police. Why? . . .

Yes, it was his duty to pass on what he had learned, but not his job to call the cops. . . .

Paterno did the right thing by notifying superiors. To do otherwise would be overstepping his authority.
(See: Joe Paterno fired? He did no wrong, Friday, November 11, 2011, Letters to the Editor/The Star-Ledger.)

The original editorial the letter was responding to was of exactly the opposite opinion as to whether simply reporting illegal conduct internally to superiors was sufficient rather than reporting it externally to those who will actually do something about it:
Paterno acknowledges being told about one of the alleged assaults, but instead of calling police and turning in his friend in 2002, Paterno allowed athletic director Tim Curley to handle the matter. Curley is one of two school officials charged with covering it up. Both have stepped down.

* * * *

Paterno insists, “I did what I was supposed to do,” by handing off to Curley, but Paterno did only the minimum the law required. Telling Curley doesn’t absolve Paterno from a moral obligation. He should’ve taken action himself.
(See: Joe Paterno must step down after Penn State child sex abuse revelations, Tuesday, November 08, 2011, Updated: Wednesday, November 09, 2011, By Star-Ledger Editorial Board The Star-Ledger.)

That was before Paterno's firing. The New York Times, after the firing, similarly editorialized that firing Paterno since he “failed to call the police” was justified “because he did not take steps that probably would have ended” very wrong acts. (See, Editorial: Penn State’s Response, November 10, 2011.)

Nonetheless, feelings sympathetic to Paterno and the course of action he took are running strong. There was also something verging on a riot (far surpassing the anything Manhattan’s Occupy Wall Street protesters have done) as thousands of students took to street to express displeasure over Paterno’s firing. Apparently, the students were also of a mind that Paterno did no wrong by not doing more. (See: Penn State Students Clash With Police in Unrest After Announcement, by Nate Schweber, November 10, 2011.)

The New York Times ran a whole article, a long one, focusing on exactly what Parterno did and didn't do:
Paterno, according to the prosecutors, did not call the police. Instead, the next day, he had the university’s athletic director visit him at his home, a modest ranch house just off campus in State College. According to prosecutors, Paterno told the athletic director of the report regarding the former coach, Jerry Sandusky.

* * * *

[Quoting Paterno’s son, Scott] “The appropriate people were contacted by Joe. That was the chain of command. It was a retired employee and it falls under the university’s auspices, not the football auspices.”

It appears prosecutors believe that Paterno, whatever his personal sense of obligation to inquire or act further, met his legal requirement in reporting the graduate student’s allegation to his direct superior, Curley.

Under state law, if a staff member at a school makes a report of possible sexual abuse of a child, it is the responsibility of “the person in charge of the school or institution” to make a report to the state’s Department of Public Welfare.
But the people up the chain of command, including Spanier, didn’t make that required “report to child welfare authorities.” (See: In Sexual Abuse Case, a Focus on How Paterno Reacted, Doug Mills/The New York Times, by Mark Viera, November 6, 2011.)

The Central Whistleblowing Issue: What Follow-up Can You Expect When Reporting Misconduct?

The Times article says that a dean emeritus of the school, Nicholas P. Cafardi, who it describes as a “professor of law at Duquesne University School of Law and an expert on the Roman Catholic Church’s sexual abuse scandal” said that Paterno “had reason to expect that others would do their jobs.”

Really? Paterno “had reason to expect that others would do their jobs”? How can someone be an “expert on the Roman Catholic Church’s sexual abuse scandal” and think that when whistleblowers report misconduct of this sort within an organization that those in charge of an organization can, without question, be expected to do their jobs?

This goes to the crux of the most central issue when it comes to Whistleblowing: When you only report things internally within an organization where improper conduct is occurring can you truly expect that others will do their jobs or should it be your personal duty to report it externally? Parterno was fired because, in retrospect, it was considered clear that he should have reported the incident, at least eventually, externally to those would take effective action. This is the standard the university and the the editorializing newspapers are applying even though, as the story is being told, Paterno did not personally investigate to ascertain the truth of the allegation.

Now (and here is our promised segue), compare the dismissal of Paterno and university president Spanier* for what they didn’t do with the punishment of whistleblowers working in the government for what they did do.

(* As well as the additional Penn State employees who are losing their jobs.)

Two Roads Diverge In a Wood

Granted, it may be that whistleblowers are invariably faced by a dilemma: damned if they do and damned if they don’t. Even if it is not an absolute Morton’s Fork decision, it is easy to understand that the position in which whistleblowers find themselves is almost always going to be uncomfortable, but is there a distinction when it comes to private sector whistleblowers versus whistleblowers working for the government. Maybe the former are more likely to be damned if they don’t while the latter will be damned if they do. Do you think?

I began mulling this over because at the same time I was listening to stories about the Paterno and Spanier dismissals I was recalling what was said on a recent Leonard Lopate broadcast discussing the fate of whistleblowers in the government sector. Lopate was talking with constitutional and civil rights litigation lawyer Glenn Greenwald and the observation was that, when it comes to government, unlike what happened to Mr. Paterno, whistleblowers are most likely to be damned for what they DO rather than for what they DON"T DO, if and when they take effective action to report misconduct.

The Path That Government Wants Not Taken: Whistleblowing

At about 6:45 minutes into the program Greenwald and Lopate were discussing the Bush administration’s warrantless spying on Americans that was a clear violation of the FISA law enacted by Congress:
GREENWALD: Interestingly, nobody has ever been indicted. The only person who paid any price is this individual Thomas Tamm who was the mid-level Justice Department lawyer who found out that this law was being broken, picked up the phone and called Eric Lichtblau of the New York Times. He lost his job over it. He had no money to hire a lawyer. He went bankrupt and had all kinds of problems. Only the one who exposed the crimes suffered. The criminals themselves suffered none.

LOPATE: Is that often the case?: The whistelblower is the one who winds up paying the biggest price?

GREENWALD: Sure. And then if you look at what the Obama administration is doing now with how it is arguing that the Bush torture regime should not be held accountable under the law, that the warrantless eavesdropping program shouldn’t be, that even the private sector crimes that precipitated the 2008 financial crisis shouldn’t be. The argument they make is that it is more important to look forwards, not backwards. But again, if that were applied across the board, even to the margin lines, then you could have a debate about it but it wouldn’t offend the rule of law principles,* but the Obama administration is on an unprecedented war against whistleblowers, to punish the people who expose government criminality but not the criminals themselves . . . . .
(* We will get to Greenwald’s “rule of law” concern in a moment. Essentially it relates to his thesis that there are different legal standards now being applied to the elite 1%, as opposed to the other 99% of the country.)

At this point there was a brief discussion of the situation of Sergeant Bradley Manning, a distinguishable situation because, whatever higher moral imperatives people think may apply, Manning probably violated the law when he leaked classified information to Wikileaks. But Manning’s initial extraordinarily harsh and unusual Obama administration-imposed detention conditions were brought up with Greenwald commenting that the Obama administration was:
. . . sending a signal to say, `if you also learn of things that we have done in secret that are high-level law breaking, you should think twice about whether you will expose it because look at what we have done to Bradley Manning.
The Greenwald/Lopate discussion proceeded to focus specifically on concern analogous to what happened with Paterno:
LOPATE: But whistleblowers have all sorts of protections under the law. How come they don’t always apply? I don’t mean Bradley Manning (he may very well have criminally leaked things), but the whistleblower who revealed unwarranted wiretaps, I would think that he would have been protected.

GREENWALD: But he wasn’t, and that was Thomas Tamm who was criminally investigated. And the reason is that they have protections IF they invoke an internal procedure within the government, so they go to their boss, or they go to an investigative agency within that department, but that goes nowhere; those are always whitewashes. So leaking to the media which is the traditional way in which we learn about important aspects of criminality, that does not have any whistleblower protection.
At the very end of the broadcast segment (at about 29:300 Lopate and Greenwald had one more exchange of crucial relevance:
LOPATE: Now, Haven’t things like Wikileaks enabled citizens to know more about wrong doing? It looks now like Wikileaks might finally be destroyed.

GREENWALD: Well, those two thoughts go together perfectly: I mean, when somebody steps up and actually exposes what the government is doing then they become an enemy of the state.
A Distinction Explained By A Government/Private Sector Dichotomy?

So, do you think? Do you think there is a distinction when it comes to private sector whistleblowers versus whistleblowers working for the government as to judgements whether they will get in trouble for reporting misconduct externally or not reporting it externally to those who will take effective action?*

(* It is acknowledged that Paterno was expected to report organizational misconduct to the police, which is to law enforcement, while Tamm reported organizational misconduct to the New York Times, which is only a media organization; but in purely practical terms because of government structure there was no effective course of action for Tamm to take in reporting the misconducts except to go to the press.)

At one point in the Greenwald/Lopate discussion Greenwald explained that “crimes committed in [government] office” are not viewed as “real crimes.” If that’s true, and it probably is, it would sufficiently support the distinction we are making with respect to government vs. private sector whistleblowers and we might leave it at that . . .

Maybe Not

. . . But that would be unfair to Mr. Greenwald because he has some broader observations that account for what is happening and as I have said before they are scary, even scarier than what we have just discussed.

This is Mr. Greenwald’s “rule of law” point. Mr. Greenwald theorizes that we have been on a downward slope since the pardon of Richard Nixon and that there is now an elite club, essentially the 1% Club, that expects to behave with impunity while for the rest of us other standards apply. He suggests that “leniency,” the non-application of the “rule of law,” is something we see “only among the powerful.” As for the rest of us? Greenwald offers startling statistics: The United States has 5% of the world population and yet 25% of the prison population worldwide is in US.

Glenn Greenwald is the author of “With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful.”

Here is a link and WNYC summary of the Leonard Lopate segment and you may click below to listen to it:
Glenn Greenwald on Our Justice System
Monday, November 07, 2011

Glenn Greenwald argues that, over the past four decades, the principle of equality before the law has been replaced with a two-tiered system of justice—the country's political and financial class is virtually immune from prosecution, while the politically powerless are imprisoned with greater ease and in greater numbers than in any other country in the world. With Liberty and Justice for Some reveals the mechanisms that have come to shield the elite from accountability. He shows how the media, both political parties, and the courts have abetted a process that has produced torture, war crimes, domestic spying, and financial fraud.



Another Explanation: Government By and For the Elite


Does this bigger picture of Greenwald’s throw into a cocked hat our observation about different treatment specifically intended to discourage whistleblowers in government? No, because Greenwald has another observation: The 1% Club has essentially become the government. Greenwald referred in his discussion with Lopate to an Atlantic Magazine article “The Quiet Coup” by Simon Johnson (May 2009), which made the case that a financial oligarchy has taken control of the government. Greenwald also points out that the press is no longer the bulwark against the absence of the rule of law it might once have been considered to be. That is because the media class, now consisting of highly paid employees of large media corporations who are no longer outsiders and instead identify with the elite, now defend this exclusive leniency for the 1%.

There you go: How’s that for kicking the football all the way into the realm of politics?

Post Script Thoughts:
• It is worth noting a couple of things about the warrantless wiretapping that violated the FISA law:
• As pointed out infrequently (if ever) except as was noted by Columbia Law Professor Tim Wu in his book “The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires,” the phone companies were assisting the Bush administration to violate the law at the same time they had pending before the Bush administration approvals they wanted for the reunification of much of the original phone company monopoly.

• The failure to prosecute administration and phone company officials for breaking the law was also due to the passage of the telecom immunity act which unprecedentedly gave retroactive immunity for past criminal acts.
• For those National Notice readers who have difficulty thinking objectively and unemotionally when it comes to topics like Wikileaks and Bradley Manning that circumnavigate the issue of national security it is worth remembering that the issues of concern discussed here relate to all government conduct. Listening to the Lopate/Greenwald segment you will hear the discussion taken out into broader territory.

Wednesday, November 9, 2011

Bill Maher Reiterates Theme of Plutocrats Favored By Unlevel Playing Field of "Lobbyists & Suits": Glenn Greenwald Dittos Advantaging Rules For Elite

Regarding the above headline, Maher didn’t say “plutocrats”; first he said the “right wing” and a week later he said “Republicans” but each time he was clearly referring to the 1% Club, that elite group that is specially advantaged by rules by which they want the rest of us to play, rules setting up contests they expect always to win, because as Maher says, those contests are played with “lobbyists and suits” and they have all of the “lobbyists and suits” on THEIR side.

As Rachel Maddow observed, this means the elite can ignore the 99%.

(Bill Maher, above, on the first show where he commented on futility of the plutocratically-preferred processes.)

The first time Maher ventured this thesis to explain way the 1% Club so desperately objects to the rule-changing presence of the Occupy Wall Street 99 percenters in the streets, I wrote about it in National Notice, including exactly what Maher said: Wednesday, October 26, 2011, Bill Maher: Right Wing, Wanting It THEIR Way, Yearns To Get Occupy Wall Street On THEIR Unlevel Playing Field of Lobbyists and Suits.

One week later, on his next “Real Time” edition, Maher returned to the topic of how the 1% Club craves rules that render futile for the rest of us the forms of participatory democracy into which we are conventionally channeled. I wrote about his doing so in one of two Noticing New York articles that translated how Maher’s thesis applies to the futility of public hearings in New York City for big real estate projects when those projects are handing out enormous benefit at the expense of the public to politically connected developers through heavy use of of subsidies and frequent abuse of eminent domain. (See: Wednesday, November 2, 2011, Big Politically-Connected Real Estate Projects: Ignoring The Public Majority With Futile “Participatory Democracy” Hearing Process? and Tuesday, November 8, 2011, Public Hearings For Big Real Estate Projects: Refining Your Sense of the Absurd.)

In the first of those two Noticing New York articles (linked above) I covered Maher's updating remarks about his thesis from that second show:
My point I was trying to make last week is that the Republicans don’t want them in the streets, the people, because they would like them to fight the way THEY fight, with lobbyists, where they will lose.

* * * *

When the original Red Coats. . . didn’t like it when George Washington and his troops were fighting behind trees, you know, not fighting in a straight line with red coats where they can be SHOT– It’s the same thing with these people. They’re not fighting FAIR in the way they will LOSE by going to Washington and getting a lobbyist: They’re in the streets! It’s the same way you guys are all saying about Obama, “Oh, he’s out campaigning. He’s not governing!” Yeah, he’s not sitting in Washington giving you guys bills that you’ll crumple up and throw away. He’s taking his case to the people. Is there something wrong if you are not winning with one tactic . . . . Is it so wrong to try the other tactic where you might be able to WIN?
(Above, Maher the seconds Friday night with Ron Christie reacting to his remarks.)

In that same Noticing New York piece I mentioned the very similar sentiments expressed by Chris Hedges when he was discussing Occupy Wall Street on an edition (October 24) of Charlie Rose where he and Amy Goodman were guests. (A link to the video of that discussion is available on the Noticing New York post) Hedges, described a world where it “doesn’t matter what the citizens think,” where what Goldman Sachs wants, Goldman Sachs gets because, as a practical matter: “There is no way to vote against the interest of Goldman Sachs.” Maybe you can vote as a technical matter but if you do “vote against the interest of Goldman Sachs” your vote will simply be ignored because, as Bill Maher might analyze it, your vote doesn’t count in a system where “the other side has all the lobbyists and all the suits.”

In the second of those two Noticing New York articles where I wrote about public process and big real estate projects in New York discussing the absence of the rule of law for the elite, spurred me to bring up Glenn Greenwald’s thinking:
There is a theory, a rather frightening one, that there is now a club, a political and financial class, that is above the law. I heard this theory propounded by Glenn Greenwald, the author of “With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful” on a Leonard Lopate show segment yesterday.
Mr. Greenwald theorizes that we have been on a downward slope since the pardon of Richard Nixon and that there is now a elite club that expects to behave with impunity. He was utterly too convincing in the case he made. I hope it’s not true.

Here is a link and WNYC summary of the segment and you may click below to listen to it:
Glenn Greenwald on Our Justice System
Monday, November 07, 2011

Glenn Greenwald argues that, over the past four decades, the principle of equality before the law has been replaced with a two-tiered system of justice—the country's political and financial class is virtually immune from prosecution, while the politically powerless are imprisoned with greater ease and in greater numbers than in any other country in the world. With Liberty and Justice for Some reveals the mechanisms that have come to shield the elite from accountability. He shows how the media, both political parties, and the courts have abetted a process that has produced torture, war crimes, domestic spying, and financial fraud.



Maybe Mr. Greenwald should appear as a guest on one of Bill Maher’s upcoming shows. It sounds like there is a lot they could flesh out on the topic of the tailoring or rules specially benefit the 1% Club and equipping them with impunity at the expense of the rest of us.

Is it just fringe thinkers who believe this kind of special rules inequality has gotten entirely out of hand? My thoughts were picked up by a post on Norman Oder’s Atlantic Yards Report site comparing this to hot-off-the presses editorial in the Wall Street Journal. Said the Wall Street Journal in its editorial:
As important as this economic damage is [from corporate welfare/crony capitalism] the corrosive effect that corporate welfare has on public trust in government. Americans understand that powerful government invariably favors the powerful, who have the means and access to massage Congress and the bureaucracy that average citizens do not. This really is aid to the 1% paid by the other 99%.
(See: Tuesday, November 08, 2011, Catching up: WSJ on corporate welfare, Noticing New York on the connection between public hearings and the lack of public trust.)

The Journal’s editorial headlined “The Corporate Welfare State: A cause to unite the tea party and the Occupy Wall Street crowd” and beginning:
The Occupy Wall Street protesters aren't good at articulating what they want, but one of their demands is "end corporate welfare." Well, welcome aboard. Some of us have been fighting crony capitalism for decades, and it's good to have new allies if liberals have awakened to the dangers of the corporate welfare state.

Corporate welfare is the offer of special favors—cash grants, loans, guarantees, bailouts and special tax breaks—to specific industries or firms.
. . . You’ll have to be a paying Journal subscriber to read more. . . Sounds a lot like National Notice, Noticing New York (and NPR) as written here:
Monday, October 24, 2011
On NPR, Echo of Coinciding Principles Noticed: What the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Ought To Agree On

and here:

Tuesday, October 25, 2011
Opposition To Crony Capitalism As Uniting Cause: Resource-Grabbing Mega-Monopolies (Like Atlantic Yards) As Catalyst For Great Recessions/Depressions
When the “Wall Street Journal” begins to sound like the Occupy Wall Street Journal maybe Occupy Wall Street is having and effect.

Tuesday, November 8, 2011

Faces of Occupy Wall Street: A Wonderful Site For Wonderful Sights

I have been writing a number of articles about Occupy Wall Street under my "Noticing New York" and "National Notice" banners and much of what I have posted includes relevant photos I've taken of the protesters at New York's Zucotti Park. My own pictures are entirely serviceable but there are photos and then there are photos. I can direct you to a wonderful site for wonderful sights if you would like to see lots of portraits of individual Occupy Wall Street protesters, all of them beautifully done.

I suggest visiting the main page and hitting the "Random" button for one marvelous surprise after another. The picture at the top of this post is an example.

The site I am referring you to is: OWS Faces (We are all here). Repeat:
OWS Faces.

Below are links to "Noticing New York" and "National Notice" OWS articles done to date. (You can also hit the "Occupy Wall Street" label that follows this post to pull up any future National Notice OWS posts I do after this one.

If you want to see one of my photos, here is something I snapped today, giving you the idea of what sort of purpose Bloomberg's barricades around the protesters might be serving.


Saturday, October 22, 2011
Occupy Wall Street and the Banks- Messages From Bonnie & Clyde, “They’ve Got Too Much Money”: Ownership of the Public Forum by the Wealthy?

Friday, October 14, 2011
Not THAT Michael White: Visiting Occupy Wall Street and How I Know The Economy Is Bad (For the 99%)

Wednesday, October 26, 2011
Bill Maher: Right Wing, Wanting It THEIR Way, Yearns To Get Occupy Wall Street On THEIR Unlevel Playing Field of Lobbyists and Suits

Sunday, October 23, 2011
On NPR, Echo of Coinciding Principles Noticed: What the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Ought To Agree On

Tuesday, October 25, 2011
Opposition To Crony Capitalism As Uniting Cause: Resource-Grabbing Mega-Monopolies (Like Atlantic Yards) As Catalyst For Great Recessions/Depressions

Sunday, October 16, 2011
Bloomberg’s Increasing Annual Wealth: 1996 to 2011


Wednesday, October 12, 2011
Visiting Occupy Wall Street We Hear “Eliminate the Fed!”: OR Maybe Just Federal Reserve Directors Backing Mega-Monopolies For the Super-Connected?

Wednesday, November 2, 2011
Big Politically-Connected Real Estate Projects: Ignoring The Public Majority With Futile “Participatory Democracy” Hearing Process

HOV Lanes (“High Occupancy Vehicle” Lanes) and Mississippi’s Proposed Constitutional Personhood Amendment

One of the many uproarious “Curb Your Enthusiasm” episodes features a joke where the Larry David character hires a prostitute so that he will have enough people in his car to use the faster-moving HOV or “High Occupancy Vehicle” Lanes.

This election day one of the matters pending that we shall soon hear about is whether a proposed “personhood amendment” to the Mississippi state constitution will pass. The amendment, a “right to life” initiative, declares a fertilized egg to be a “person.” If it passes it will make most of the better forms of birth control illegal in the state. (A tourism problem?) It will also play havoc with how a lot of laws will have to be interpreted. Word is that the amendment might pass. I wonder: Do the people of Mississippi, polled at being about 50/50 on the amendment, know what they are getting themselves into?

Here just one ridiculous question. If the amendment passes will the High Occupancy Vehicle Lane laws in Mississippi have to be rewritten? If they aren’t, how will the police officer who stops someone for using the lane know how many “persons” are in the car?: “But officer, I have a fertilized egg inside me.” What if the woman can claim that she has both an egg inside and a sperm cell she is sure is hellbent on fertilizing that egg?

Maybe the state of Mississippi will decide ii needs to address the need to make such challenging distinctions by pushing back its legal definition for the beginning of life still further. Maybe it will decide that a person exists if there is a man amorously interested in a female companion and they are both in the same car. Maybe, if a man and a woman are together in a car it will be considered a prima facie case for proving “personhood” if the woman has been hired for purposes of prostitution . . .

. . But wait a minute! That’s sort of the opposite of the joke of the “Curb Your Enthusiasm” episode, where, as memory serves, the joke's whole point depended on the fact that though the Larry David character had hired a prostitute he had absolutely no interest or intention of having sex with her.

By tomorrow morning we should know whether the citizens of Mississippi are going to be dealing with a whole lot of headaches involving interpretation of a whole lot of statutes. We'll also know whether you will need to think about what birth control you are using before you decide to visit the state.