Showing posts with label Military-Industrial-Surveillance Complex. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Military-Industrial-Surveillance Complex. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 1, 2026

Trump, Declaring Sufficiency of U.S. Achievements, Speaks of Military Disbandment


Trump, likely in anticipation of his scheduled public address tonight, has tweeted that the United States can now, declaring its purposes achieved, including successfully creating democracy around the world, can now withdraw almost all of its military from the 800 bases (some say actually more than 1000) around the world.  

This is not an entirely new thing for Trump and therefore not entirely a surprise.  There is precedent with the theme going back in time.  Donald Trump has sporadically called for reducing military spending, most notably in February 2025, when he proposed that the US, Russia, and China cut their defense budgets in half, calling current spending levels "crazy."  (See: CNN- Defense stocks drop after Trump says Pentagon spending could be halved, Thursday, February 13, 2025) His description then of the spending as “crazy,” repeated what he’s said, for instance, in 2018.

Lest there be those who are skeptical of this most recent tweet, Trump seemed to bolster his credibility by simultaneously tweeting that he’d already asked his Secretary of Labor Lori Chavez-DeRemer to address a predictable crisis of unemployment as the military is downsized.  Trump’s press office said to also expect Trump to tweet soon about the stock market in this regard. 

Hinting at his plans, and his seriousness, Trump has already put out a third tweet saying that, as the US’s purposes having been achieved, the United States will now turn the world over to the responsibility of civilians.

Any crisis of unemployment as the military is downsized will be fended off and reversed, because those individuals who were previously employed by the military will now go to work for private police and security forces that will have more to do, “maybe much more,” Trump said before getting on a helicopter.  That’s because of the United States withdrawal.

Obviously- or maybe not so obviously,- it is predicted by people with back channels enabling them to make predictions that a lot of the military’s previous responsibilities will be taken over by companies now owned or to be created by Eric Prince (brother of Betsy DeVos, Trump’s former U.S. Secretary of Education), Eric being the former CEO, and owner of the private security firm Blackwater and associated with companies such as Frontier Resource Group and Vectus. 

The companies assuming new responsibilities will be needing to staff up.  They will be needing capital. Back channel informants say the United States will be supplying loans to them at low interest-rates.

The excuse for the low interest rates?: The posting of good security.  For instance, posted as security will be several air craft carriers, the USS Gerald R. Ford, the USS Abraham Lincoln, and the USS George H.W. Bush.  No longer needed after the downsizing, these will be transferred to Eric Prince’s companies as military surplus.

Trump is expected to announce the transfers with an “Objectives Achieved” speech where you will see him seem to give the speech from aboard the three air craft carriers.  He can’t be aboard all three at the same time, so at least two of the speeches, maybe all three, will be made by his holographic image striding, and Trump dancing, across their decks.

We’ll all learn and get to know more about this when Trump addresses the nation as planned tonight with his April 1st, April Fools Day speech. 

Tuesday, December 24, 2019

An Open Letter To Reverend Ana Levy-Lyons of The First Unitarian Universalist Congregation of Brooklyn Requesting A Sermon About Peace

I have what is now a many year tradition with Noticing New York, another blog I write (about real estate development in New York and associated politics), of publishing a seasonal reflection about the year on Christmas Eve.  (More about the Noticing New York tradition here.)  This year I deviated from my pattern of previous years to publish, as Noticing New York's seasonal reflection, a letter I wrote to Reverend Ana Levy-Lyons, our minister at our First Unitarian Universalist Congregation in Brooklyn, requesting that she deliver a sermon about peace.   There is a little bit more about my decision at Noticing New York.
Because the letter I wrote concerns topics that have been central to the concerns pursued as national issues here in National Notice, perpetual war, the environment and the climate emergency, wealth and income inequality, censorship and information control, I am also publishing my letter to Reverend Ana requesting a sermon about peace here in National Notice.  So, on this Christmas Eve, following a few days after the winter solstice and coming not many days before the day that officially starts our country's new year, may we all move forward to a more blessed future and I hope that I have written something that is worth passing along so that it may have some beneficial effect.

December 19, 2019

Re:  An Open Letter Requesting A Sermon About Peace

Dear Reverend Ana,

Last spring my wife Carolyn and I invested heavily in our congregation’s fund raising lottery trying to win the prize of choosing a topic for a sermon you would give.  We didn’t win.  Had we won, we would have challenged you with what you might not have found an easy subject, speaking about Julian Assange, American war crimes, and the U.S. pursuit of empire.  Our choice of subject would not have been be to vex you with its difficulty, but to ask you to speak to what could be such a simple concept: Peace.  If, these days, conversations about peace are avoided as difficult, what better than address that difficulty in a sermon?

Giving it some consideration, I think that making a worthy case for a sermon topic is a good a way to gain the prize of having you speak on a topic we care about, as good a way as investing in fund raising lottery tickets.  Therefore I will try.

Is peace a spiritual thing?  Is talk about our common humanity, our common bonds, and about surmounting the blindness that fractures our relationships a proper thing to address in religious terms?  I acknowledge I’m being obvious here.  What I just referred to is supposed to be basic and elemental to the great faiths.

I grew up in the Vietnam War era and I remember churches and church people taking the lead in saying that the wars we waged in Indochina were wrong.  These days we, as country, are more military extended than ever.  My oldest daughter is now about to be twenty-nine years old.  We had already started bombing Iraq when she was born in January.  The war in Iraq is just one of the perpetual wars that has continued essentially for the entirety of her life.  All of our wars are long now.  As formally measured by some, the War in Afghanistan, with its later beginning, has surpassed the Vietnam War as our country’s longest war.

These days the United States has been bombing nine countries, ten if you include, as we should, all of the U.S. participation in the bombing of Yemen, the other nine countries being: Mali, Niger, Somalia, Libya, and then, in the Middle East, it’s Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria. We have 800 military bases in other countries.  With practically no comment or attention from us, President Obama opened new military bases across Africa.

A peace symbol hangs prominently in our Unitarian Universalist congregation’s sanctuary where our sermons are given.  We begin every Sunday service singing the words: “let peace, good will on earth be sung through every land, by every tongue.”  Christmas comes every year, and every year we evoke and extol, as is customary in the Christian tradition, the image of Jesus as the “Prince of Peace.”  In our congregation’s Weaving Social Justice Committee we have discussed the prospect of rededicating the side chapel within the sanctuary that is known as the “Peace Chapel” to that cause.  In our list of candidate films for the social justice film series we are working on we have films about the injustice of war. . .

 . . . But, by and large, we hardly ever actually say anything about peace or the need to end the  perpetual wars for which our country is now responsible.  Has there been any sermon in our sanctuary on the subject of peace?  I can’t recall one.

I was not at the Unitarian Universalist General Assembly in June this summer, but I talked with people who went, and I looked over the multi-day program.  I was told and I saw that there were no sessions on the subject of peace.  Nor was anything said about the antithesis thereof, war, although we are deeply embroiled in wars to the point that they are inescapably always in the background our daily American lives.
 
Our congregation through its leaders including members of the social justice committee is now reaching out to other congregations in our city and to their social justice actors to coordinate collective activism on the issues important to all of us.  The importance of peace activism has not been mentioned in those discussions no matter that it is integrally related to virtually every other issue that is being discussed of common interest.  Has the subject of peace somehow been tagged as off-limits?  Is peace now too controversial to be discussed by and among religious communities?

Other social issues have attracted the attention of organizing Unitarians and have been the subject of multiple sermons. I understand and support that and among them are issues like the climate change chaos catastrophe emergency.  The climate emergency is an existential threat to all of humanity.  When the Democratic National Committee ordered that there be no debate focused on the single issue of climate change– the DNC actually forbade Democrats from participating in any such debate organized by anyone else– the case was made that the existential issue of climate is so fundamental that it is intertwines with and underlies virtually every other issue that’s important.  There are other issues like that; issues that are inextricably related to society’s other major issues.       

Our American wars together with the rest of our military interventions that stoke conflict in other countries are far too often wars which are very much about the extraction of oil and fossil fuels.  Moreover, overall our wars help keep in place the systems that continue to vandalize our planet, exterminating its ecosystems.  Further, the US military is one of the largest polluters in history, “the single-largest producer of greenhouse gases (GHG) in the world,” and that the Pentagon is responsible for between “77% and 80% of all US government energy consumption” since 2001.  The US military is consuming more liquid fuels and emitting more climate-changing gases than most medium-sized countries, polluting more than 140 countries. Obscuring the reporting on this, the United States, which exempts its military from environmental laws, insisted on exemptions from reporting of the military emissions of all countries from climate agreements. The U.S., has itself escaped such reporting by exiting the Paris Climate Accord.

It is not clear, but these staggering figures about fossil fuel use probably don’t include the fossil fuel consumption related to the initial manufacture of weapons.  Consider also that replacement, or nonreplacement, of what is bombed, burned and incinerated also must entail substantial additional environmental costs.
                                     
It is not just greenhouse gas emission pollution that the military produces: In 2010, a major story that went largely unreported was that the U.S. Department of Defense, as the largest polluter in the world, was producing more hazardous waste than the five largest US chemical companies combined, and that just some of the pollutants with which it was contaminating the environment were depleted uranium, petroleum, oil, pesticides, defoliant agents such as Agent Orange, and lead, along with vast amounts of radiation. Following our bombings, birth defects reported in Iraq are soaring. A World Health Organization survey tells us that in Fallujah half of all babies were born with a birth defect between 2007 and 2010 with 45 per cent of all pregnancies ending in miscarriage in the two years after 2004.

Another thing we face that has been deadening to the human spirit has been the increasing “othering” of people who we are made to think are different from us.  Frequently now that’s immigrants from other countries who are black or brown.  Often that “othering,” as with Muslims, is stoked in ways that may cause us to support or tolerate wars in which those others suffer most and towards whom hostilities are often officially directed.  We may also forget how our wars and military activity push the flow of populations forcing people to migrate across boarders, as, for instance, with those leaving Honduras after our country helped bring about the military coup that replaced the government there.

Also basic and underlying so many of our problems are racial, income and wealth inequality with concomitant inequality in power and influence. These are things that Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., who practiced ministry through activism and activism through ministry, labored to eliminate.  Not long before he was assassinated, King also began to speak out against the Vietnam war saying the great challenge facing mankind is to get rid of war.  Before he did so, he carefully weighed cautions urged on him that as a civil rights leader he shouldn’t do so, that it would undermine support for his civil rights work, split his coalition, and that these issues should not be joined together.  But King concluded that the issues were tied together and decided that he would address them on that basis.

When King expressed his opposition to the war in his very famous “Beyond Vietnam -- A Time to Break Silence,” delivered in this city’s Riverside Church, New York City, April 4, 1967, one year to the day before his assassination, he said he was “increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.”  He spoke of the disproportionate toll that waging war exacted on the poor and spoke of the poisoning of America’s soul. . . So it is today.

War is profitable business.  It busies packs of lobbyists who know a great deal more about often secret budgets than we, as the public, will ever learn.  But that profit drains the resources of our society enfeebling our ability to accomplish so much else.  The Pentagon and military budget is about 57% of the nation’s discretionary budget.  If all of the unknowable black box spending that goes into the Military-Industrial-Surveillance Complex were included, that percentage could well bump up higher.  We spend more on military spending than the next ten countries combined (or seven, depending on the year and who calculates), and we spend much more than all the rest of the countries in the world left over after that.  Of course, much of that spending by other countries is on arms we supply making the world dangerous.

We may not fully know about or have a complete accounting of all the dollars we spend in these areas, but, in May of 2011 after the U.S. announced that it had killed Osama Bin Laden, the National Priorities Project calculated that, as of that time, “in all, the U.S. government has spent more than $7.6 trillion on defense and homeland security since the 9/11 attacks.”  Point of reference: a “trillion” is one million millions.

Just the increase in the military spending in the last two years since Trump came in is as much as Russia spends on its entire military budget ($66 billion).  Similarly just that increase is greater than the entire military budgets of Britain ($55 billion) or France ($51 billion). 

Our fixated disposition to keep spending more is entrenched: Even Elizabeth Warren, a senator from Massachusetts who promotes herself as a left wing progressive, voted in 2017 to increase the defense budget by $80 billion, surpassing the $54 billion increase requested by President Trump.  60% Of House Democrats voted for a defense budget far bigger than Trump requested.

Perhaps most disquieting and insidiously corrupting to our morality and our souls are the pretexts we adopt to justify going to war and to abide its horrors, particularly when we leave those pretexts dishonestly unexamined.  The public flailed and many among us continue in their confusion, unable to sort out that Iraq did not attack the United States or have weapons of mass destruction before the second war that we unilaterally and "preemptively" launched to invade that country.  Before our first Gulf War attack on that country there were no slaughtered `incubator babies’: That was just a brazen, cynically staged public relations scam.  Similarly, how few of us know and recognize that Afghanistan did not attack the United States on 9/11– We precipitously invaded that country because the government there was at that time asking that procedures be followed and proof furnished before it would assist in finding and turning Osama Bin Laden over to the United States.

The foreign country that was most involved in 9/11, and from where almost all of the men identified as the alleged 9/11 hijackers came, is Saudi Arabia.  Saudi Arabia is the country to which we are selling massive amounts of weapons (making it that world’s third biggest military spender) and it is the country with which we are deeply involved perpetrating war crimes against Yemen.

In the Vietnam War, our second longest war, it was the Gulf of Tonkin incident that, not being what it seemed nor reported to be, was the pretext for war.

Perhaps hardest and most challenging to our susceptibilities as caring people striving to be spiritual and attentive to justice are the pretextual manipulations to which we are subject in regard to what Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman spotlighted as the selective distinguishing between “worthy” versus “unworthy” victims.  “Worthy” victims are those who, whatever their number, deserve our outrage and are a basis for calls for the international community to mobilize toward war.  “Unworthy victims” are those who can die en mass without attention or recognition like the tens of thousands of Yemeni children who have died for lack of food, water and medicine because of Saudi Arabia’s blockade assisted by the U.S..  Often, as with Palestinians removed from their homelands, these victims are blamed for their own victimhood.

Additional layers of pretext pile up when we encounter journalists and whistleblowers willing to be the messengers of war crimes.  We punish those messengers while, concurrently, there is no consequence for those who perpetrate the war crimes.  Often the perpetrators are promoted to higher office. That includes those who illegally torture others to coerce useless, undependable, and likely false “confessions.”  Thus we punish and torture Julian Assange and Chelsea Manning for exemplifying what Daniel Ellsberg called “civil courage.” Thus we vindictively send CIA whistleblower John Kiriakou to prison for disclosing his agency’s torture program.

Wikileaks, Julian Assange’s organization has published much that is embarrassing to the United States and those in power, much of it is particularly embarrassing to the U.S. military.  Wikileaks has never published anything that was untrue, but the truth of what it has published is disruptive to the official narratives of the war establishment. That establishment has been seeking vengeance against and to neutralize Assange since events in 2010 when in April Wikileaks published documenting gunsight video footage, under the title of “Collateral Murder,” of a US drone strike on civilians in Bagdad provided by Chelsea Manning.  The New York Times and Washington Post did not respond to Manning’s attempts to publish that same footage through them or other evidence of U.S. war crime in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Anyone who wants proof of the pretextual nature of the United States’ persecution of Julian Assange and of the ghastly and sometimes illegal, abuse of inordinate power against Assange should watch or listen to Chris Hedges June 8, 1019 “On Contact” interview with UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Nils Melzer (“On Contact: Julian Assange w/UN Special Rapporteur on Torture”- Chris Hedges is an ordained minister in the Presbyterian Church).  The attacks against Assange began with a highly orchestrated campaign of character assassination.  They have progressed to things far worse.  Both Assange and Manning (who was pardoned from a 35-year sentence after seven years of confinement that included the torture of Manning) are now being held in prison, no end in sight, for no crimes of which they have been convicted.  I think we have to agree with the criticism of this as psychological torture.  The continued torture of Manning is an effort to get at Assange even if that were to involve forcing Manning to lie.

The United States wants Assange extradited to the Unites States to be tried for the crime of practicing journalism that was unflattering to the United States government. Somehow we have the highhandedness to conceptualize this journalism to be treason although Assange is a foreign national. Assange faces no other charges. Under the laws pursuant to which the U.S. would try him, Assange, like the exiled Edward Snowden, would not be permitted to introduce any evidence or argument that disclosing illegal U.S. activity or war crimes benefits the public.  It’s said that the United States wants nothing more than a show trial and I think that must be considered obvious.

When Assange sensed in 2012 that trumped up charges in Sweden would be used as a subterfuge to transfer him to United States custody for such a show trial he obtained political asylum in the Ecuadorian Embassy in London. For this, a British judge sentenced Assange and had him serve 50 weeks in a high security prison for “bail jumping”; that’s just fourteen days short of the maximum possible sentence, although the obviously trumped up charges for which Assange had posted bail were withdrawn, negating the original bail terms as a result.  A normal, typical sentence for bail jumping would have entailed only a fine, in a grave case, a much shorter prison sentence.

Britain was able to send police officers into enter the Ecuadoran Embassy to arrest Assange for “bail jumping” and then later hold him, without other charge for pending extradition to the United States, because of a change in the Ecuadoran government that was evidently CIA assisted, and as the United States was dangling financial aid for that country.  Assange’s eviction from the embassy, along with his being simultaneously stripped of Ecuadoran citizenship, was done without due process.
 
The persecution of Assange casts a long shadow to intimidate other journalists, whistleblowers and activists as they themselves are being intimidated about disrupting the preferred narrative concerning America’s militarily asserted empire.  Other providers of news simply lay low not reporting things.  As neither the New York Times nor the Washington Post reported it, you may not have heard about the recent scary SWAT style arrest of journalist Max Blumenthal by Washington D. C. police hours after he reported about the United States government funding of the Venezuela Juan Guaidó coup team.  Blumenthal was shackled and held incommunicado for an extended period. Not long after that the D.C. police went out to similarly arrest activist and journalist Medea Benjamin when she publicized the U.S. backing of coups in Venezuela and Bolivia.

With silenced journalists, will we, based on unchallenged pretexts, send our military into to change the government of Venezuela as there is talk of doing?  In Bolivia the coup we sponsored has been successful without that.  Meanwhile, there is talk of pretexts for military actions against Iran, Russia, North Korea.

Journalists who still show courage, are subject to exile, sometimes self exile, from their journalistic homes, to alternative media outlets, where, like Assange, they are likely to be less heard and will be more vulnerable. Journalist Tareq Haddad just announced that he resigned from Newsweek because that publication has been suppressing a story of his.  His story was about the whistleblower revelations of buried evidence that the supposed 2018 Duoma chemical attacks by Syrian president Assad on his own people was fairly obviously a concocted fabrication when it was used as a justification for the U.S. to bomb Syria.  Remember our bombings of Syria?  The was another in 2017. It was for such bombings of Syria the press declared that Trump was finally `presidential,' and, as the cruise Tomahawk missiles launched, MSNBC’s Brian Williams spoke of being “guided by the beauty of our weapons” using the word “beautiful” three times in 30 seconds.

The strenuous suppression of these voices like Assange's that would disrupt official narratives shows how the conduct of war has a tight moral link to the choices we make to speak out against war and against the suppression of the voices that oppose war.  In his sermon against war at Riverside Church that day one year to the day before he was killed, Reverend Martin Luther Kings Jr. said that, “men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war.”

King also said that, when assuming the task of such opposition, it was difficult to break free of the “conformist thought” of the surrounding world.  Indeed, with the complicity of a much more conglomerately owned corporate media than in King’s time, it seems as if there is a secularly consecrated catechism of what we know we as Americans are not supposed to say, what we must veer away from and avoid.  We subscribe with almost religious ferocity to the belief that American exceptionalism justifies all our actions in the world.  It feels, as if in our bones, that we know that to violate this proposition and say something else would create a rumbling disturbance in the force (you know, “Star Wars”).  Or is our silence, merely something less profound than that, just the equivalent of what we think would be an exceptionally super-rude topic to bring up at a family Thanksgiving or holiday diner?
                               
Dr. King correctly foresaw that there would be significant prices he would have to pay for speaking out against our country’s war.  He concluded that he had to do so, that he had to `break the silence,’ despite the prices he knew he would have to pay. He felt that doing so was the only thing he could do and remain true to himself and his causes.

Ana, I have no doubt that there would be prices you would have to pay if you spoke out for peace; if you spoke out against war.  I also acknowledge that there are prices our congregation could face.  Relatively recently the FBI has raided the homes of public nonviolent peace activists who have long, distinguished careers in public service.  (And the FBI has also been investigating nonviolent climate activists and Black Lives Matters activists.)  But I urge you to deliver a sermon about peace because it would be the right thing to do.  Perhaps it could go along with a rededication of our sanctuary’s Peace Chapel. And, perhaps,  if you would give a sermon like Dr. King gave against our wars, it might do more than just be a good thing in its own right: It might serve as a model for the ministers of other congregations who would follow suit.

Maybe, as in Martin Luther King Jr.’s day, there can again be a time when people see the call for peace as a spiritual issue and our church’s, temples and congregations again take a lead role in calling for peace and an end to our wars.

Have I made the subject of peace sound as if it is complicated?  If so, I am sorry.  That can be a problem in itself.  At bottom, shouldn’t this all be so simple?  Peace, supporting peace, speaking out for peace. .  Something very simple.
 
            Last night I had the strangest dream
            I never dreamed before.
            I dreamed the world had all agreed
            To put an end to war.*

* From “Last Night I Had the Strangest Dream,” by Ed McCurdy- 1950,
 a precursor of sorts to “Imagine” by John Lennon and Yoko Ono- 1971

 Sincerely,

Michael D. D. White

Saturday, November 3, 2018

Interesting to Think That it All Began With BOOKS? Except That Amazon and World’s Wealthiest Man (As We Know Jeff Bezos Today) Didn’t Exactly Begin That Way. . .

Jeff Bezos speaking at a recent Air Force Association event illustrating New York Times op-ed, and a Citizens Defending Libraries post wondering about how Amazon all began with “books,” but did it really?
I am a co-founder of Citizens Defending Libraries, formed in 2013 to oppose the sale and shrinkage of New York City public libraries for the benefit of real estate developers, to prevent the elimination of books and librarians, and the underfunding of the New York City libraries.  As such, I frequently contribute writing related to those subjects for posts put up on the Citizens Defending Libraries web pages.

When I write what I write for Citizens Defending Libraries I frequently have to decide whether what I am about to write should be posted as a National Notice article instead, because many of the national policy concerns I address writing in National Notice overlap with concerns we take up and raise at Citizens Defending Libraries; concerns like censorship, control and limitation of information as well as surveillance of the dissemination of ideas.  Similarly, Noticing New York, which I also write, addressing real estate and development in New York City and associated politics, may also have similarly shared or overlapping concerns.  That can include why libraries in New York that are so valued by the city’s public and cost so relatively little are being sold and turned into real estate deals, and whether the shift over the internet and digital books for information sometimes given as an excuse for such conduct is a legitimate one when the public still prefers physical books.

There was a particular post I wrote recently put up at Citizens Defending Libraries that I thought would make a very fine and important National Notice article.  It was a post that wondered at the phenomenal growth that has recently made Amazon the second U.S. company (following Apple) and made Jeff Bezos ($167 billion) the world's richest man. . .   It marveled at how the huge company that is now Amazon began with books, and how Amazon, early on, as one of its first exploits and eschewing profit, led a push for digital books while supplanting physical books.  The article went into issues of surveillance (which Amazon is in a primo position to do) and considered the links between Amazon, the internet and the military and surveillance industry, plus how the U.S. intelligence agencies have been involved in funding technology companies.  It considered what is apparently true: That, in many cases, such U.S. government agencies likely had a hand in picking the winner and losers among many of the theoretically “private” companies in the technology races.
   
That Citizens Defending Libraries post is: Interesting to think that it all began with BOOKS! Amazon, With Bezos Now The World’s Wealthiest Man At Its Helm, Tops $1 Trillion!

Because that post was so perfectly fitting for National Notice and dealt with such important subjects for National Notice readers to know about, I considered a quick republication of it here with perhaps only minor revision.  That was early September (the 10th).  Having waited, the present time actually turns out to be better for me to offer such a National Notice republication, including with it a supplemental introduction with new information.

Monday of this past week, the New York Times ran an op-ed by professor of history Margaret O’Mara, that provides some pertinent updates for my original “Interesting to think that it all began with BOOKS!” post.  Professor O’Mara similarly writes about how inextricably intertwined Silicon Valley is with “the military-industrial complex”: “The Pentagon has been part of the Silicon Valley story all along. . .  The military origins of modern tech gradually faded from view, but the business of war didn’t go away. ”  The title of Professor O’Mara’s op-ed in Monday’s October 29th print edition was “Tech's Military Tradition”; The Times title for its digital October 26th publication of it is currently: “Silicon Valley Can’t Escape the Business of War– Many in the tech industry don’t want to be part of the military-industrial complex. But defense work is already part of Silicon Valley’s DNA.”  (Buried in the Times url link for the article is “Amazon Bezos hg”-- Does "HQ" stand for headquarters?)

Professor Mara has a new book coming out soon: “The Code: Silicon Valley and the Remaking of America,” which is about “the origins of Silicon Valley,” and based on her op-ed it sounds like it may cover much of the same subject matter covered by Yasha Levine in his book “Surveillance Valley- The Secret Military History of the Internet” which I cited for my “Interesting to think that it all began with BOOKS!” post.

The points Professor O’Mara made that provide additional interesting background to supplement my account of the Amazon/Bezos “success” story are:
    •    A Jeff Bezos quote (from an October 15th Wired interview): “If big tech companies are going to turn their back on the U.S. Department of Defense, this country is going to be in trouble.”
    •    That Amazon will likely be the winner of a $10 billion Pentagon cloud computing contract.
    •    That a site in Northern Virginia, down the road from the Pentagon, has emerged as a front-runner for Amazon’s second headquarters.
    •    That Jeff Bezos' “beloved grandfather” (and mentor) was Lawrence Preston Gise, one of the first employees of the Pentagon’s advanced research agency, DARPA.
When I wrote my original post, and was looking for explanations, I was aware of information that Jeff Bezos was exceptionally close to his maternal grandfather and of his grandfather’s position with  the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) in Albuquerque and Los Alamos (birthplace of the bomb) who supervised the Los Alamos and Lawrence Livermore laboratories.  I was not aware of his grandfather’s significant DARPA (the Pentagon’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency) connection.  (Sometimes it’s remarkable what Wikipedia, as a theoretically reliable source, will leave out.) DARPA, formerly known as ARPA, was responsible for originating the internet, launching the ARPANET in the late 1960s, the original incarnation of, and what became, what we now know as the internet.  According to Yasha Levine’s book (p.8):
In 1972, almost as soon as the ARPANET was rolled out on a national level, the network was used to help the CIA, the NSA, and the US Army spy on tens of thousands of antiwar and civil rights activists.  It was a big scandal at the time, and the ARPANet’s role in it was discussed at length on American television, including NBC Evening News.
So in one sense, yes, it is amazing to think that Amazon and who Jeff Bezos is today all began with books, but that it not exactly how it all began.
Wikipedia: No DARPA information here.

Who Jeff Bezos is, in terms of the family he came from, sets up interesting explorations; interesting not just because of his maternal grandfather, but also because of the father who raised him.  His mother, Jackie Gise, divorced his birth father (now reportedly a bike shop owner) the year after Bezos was born (Jackie had been married and given birth at very young age) and he was adopted by Gise’s new husband, Mike Bezos.  Gise married her second husband Mike Bezos when she was 17 and he was 18.*
(* There seems to be some conflicting information about relevant dates.)
Although Mike Bezos worked as a petroleum engineer for Exxon, what’s more interesting about him is his status as a sort of quasi-orphan by virtue of how he arrived in this country alone in 1962 at the age of 15, something that would very likely contribute to a somewhat unusual mind set.  He arrived from Cuba as part of what has been reported to be a CIA-run program: “Operation Pedro Pan” or “Operation Peter Pan.”  A description of the secretly operated CIA program in Counterpunch says the goal of the program was to “separate elite children from parents (a Cuban brain drain) [ultimately 14,000 Cuban children] and generate political instability,” and according to one of the CIA recruits “to wage psychological war — to destabilize the government.”  Evidence reportedly shows that this was done via the CIA working deceptively with a priest and the regional Catholic hierarchy to forge documents and spread lies to convince wealthy Cuban families that Castro’s government was going to take their children away.

A 2011 NPR retrospective on the program that the Counterpunch article cites only to criticize says that “the Pedro Pan kids have done well” and that they are “firmly opposed to any normalization of relations with the Castro regime, the regime that was responsible for breaking up their families and forcing them from their homeland.”

However, on to a more important influence in Jeff Bezos' life: Lawrence Preston Gise, the maternal grandfather with whom Jeff Bezos spent his childhood and youthful summers, and to whom Bezos attributes huge significance as a mentor.  Lawrence Preston Gise was seriously connected. 

An October 28, 2018 article posted by Benjamin David Steele, Plutocratic Mirage of Self-Made Billionaires (Marmalade), does an excellent job of putting together who Lawrence Preston Gise was with how that factored into who Jeff Bezos became and how that made Amazon.  He offers this telling paragraph to describe Gise (quoting from the book “The Space Barons: Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, and the Quest to Colonize the Cosmos,” by Christian Davenport):
“Some of the top brass in the Pentagon were charged with single-handedly picking top talent for ARPA, renamed DARPA in 1972 — the “D” for “Defense” (Christian Davenport, The Space Barons), “the research and development arm of the Department of Defense that is credited with designing a communications network that could still function even if a nuclear attack demolished conventional lines of communication, ARPAnet, was the foundation of what would eventually become the Internet” (Expose the Deep State, Jeff Bezos). “Wilfred McNeil, the Pentagon’s comptroller, helped recruit top talent to help run the agency. One of his top choices was Lawrence Preston Gise, a stolid and principled former navy lieutenant commander” (Davenport).
Gise worked on space technology and missile defense systems at DARPA and, at the Atomic Energy Commission's Albuquerque operations, supervised 26,000 employees in the AEC's western region, including the Sandia, Los Alamos, and Lawrence Livermore laboratories.

Like me, Mr. Steele also came across the recent Times op-ed by professor O’Mara and he quotes this part of it to impute familiarity on the part of Jeff Bezos with the kind of research with intended military applications that DARPA gets involved with:
The military origins of modern tech gradually faded from view, but the business of war didn’t go away. The Pentagon remained the only place with the resources and the patience to fund blue-sky research that the market wasn’t quite ready for yet. Mr. Bezos knows this history well. His beloved grandfather Lawrence Preston Gise was one of the first employees of the Pentagon’s advanced research agency, Darpa. In the 1980s and 1990s, money from Darpa helped spur breakthroughs in high-speed networking, voice recognition and internet search. Today, it is funding research in artificial intelligence and machine learning, subterranean exploration and deep-space satellites, high-performance molecules and better GPS.
Steele then argues convincingly to link Gise and his DARPA/military history with Bezos’ success with Amazon:
Gise was a creature of government, specifically of the military-industrial complex. He also oversaw government work done with private contractors. In various capacities, he was involved in numerous projects, some of them covert. For example, he was a key member in secret meetings about the development of the hydrogen bomb. This guy had immense knowledge and experience about both technology and the workings of government. He was far beyond the standard bureaucrat, as his technical skill was not only theoretical but applied, with his career having been focused on space technology and missile defense systems. When he helped raise his grandson, Jeff Bezos received the full attention in being tutored and moulded for a life of privilege and ambition.
Ergo, he says: Bezos “inherited the social connections, the access to private and public funding, and the open doors into government.”  The question is what else came with that inheritance, whether it was all, so to speak, just on the receiving end.

That said, starting here I reprise for National Notice readers my "Interesting to think that it all began with BOOKS!" essay.

And frankly, in light of the above, it is curiouser and curiouser that it all began with books.
Interesting to think that it all began with BOOKS! Amazon, With Bezos Now The World’s Wealthiest Man At Its Helm, Tops $1 Trillion! – Monday, September 10, 2018
Amazon growth charts, one of revenues and one of returns since Amazon went public.  Not the respective flat lines in each and consider what that means.
Interesting to think that it all began with BOOKS!

Amazon is now the second U.S. company (following Apple) to top $1 trillion in value.  That makes Jeff Bezos ($167 billion) world's richest man.

As Yasha Levine covered in his book “Surveillance Valley- The Secret Military History of the Internet” Amazon is an internet company engaged in surveillance as a key part of its profit model and it works with the federal government and the federal government’s military and CIA.  As part of the sales blurb (on Amazon) for Mr. Levine’s book states:
Levine examines the private surveillance business that powers tech-industry giants like Google, Facebook, and Amazon, revealing how these companies spy on their users for profit, all while doing double duty as military and intelligence contractors. Levine shows that the military and Silicon Valley are effectively inseparable: a military-digital complex that permeates everything connected to the internet, even coopting and weaponizing the antigovernment privacy movement that sprang up in the wake of Edward Snowden.*
(* If, at this point, you desperately need something lighthearted to help deal with this watch this three-minute video about it.)

For more on what Citizens Defending Libraries has already covered on this see: Reading on the Internet vs. Reading a Book You Picked Up Browsing In Your Library: Yasha Levine’s “Surveillance Valley- The Secret Military History of the Internet” and for even more that is relevant coming from Mr. Levine’s book; Self Proclaimed As Fighting Surveillance, Library Freedom Project Is Tied to Tor Service With Its Deep Ongoing Connections, Including Financing, To The U.S. Government.

Second biggest U.S. Company as of September 2018?  Amazon grew very fast to do that.

Amazon, which began in a converted garage of Bezos’ rented home, launched on the internet in July of 1995.  That’s just 23 years ago.

The story is that Bezos, not particularly a book lover for any reason, coming out of an unusually successful Wall Street hedge fund, D. E. Shaw & Co., was not so to speak “following his bliss” when he decided to start his internet sales company with books.  He was instead selecting books from amongst “a list of 20 products” he was considering theoretically as the result of what where essentially mathematical computations:
Bezos eventually decided that his venture would sell books over the Web, due to the large worldwide market for literature, the low price that could be offered for books, and the tremendous selection of titles that were available in print.
The Unites States, in 2013, according to a Bloomberg Industries analysis was contracting out “about 70 percent” of its “intelligence budget.”  That figure is probably, for the most part not calculated to take into consideration that most of the surveillance being done is by companies like Amazon, Google and Facebook, as talked about by Levine in his book.

What is clear, as written about by Mr. Levine in his book and by Tim Shorrock, author of “Spies for Hire- The Secret World of Intelligence Outsourcing,” is how intertwined the intelligence community is with private sector companies with an interdependence that has a lot of implications for who succeeds or fails in the private market place.  If we are talking about small start up companies trying to establish themselves, both these authors write about how the efforts of those companies may be aided and quietly, nay secretly, assisted by the government.  Both authors write about how “In-Q-Tel” was founded in 1999 (an interesting date in terms of ramping up electronic surveillance) as the CIA’s venture capitalist company operating in Silicon Valley “to invest in start-up that aligned with the agency’s intelligence needs.”  (Yasha Levine p. 174)  And “through its In-Q-Tel venture capital fund, the CIA invested in all sorts of companies that mined the Internet for open-source intelligence” that’s “information that it could grab from the public web: Videos, personal blogs, photos, and posts on platforms like YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram amd Google+.” (Yasha Levine p. 188 -189)

In-Q-Tel “works with the CIA’s Directorate of Science and Technology” to find companies with products with intelligence application and then “buys equity positions in these firms— many of which are managed by former intelligence officials.”  (Shorrock p.16) Along with technology incubation funding from the CIA and other agencies “high-tech companies would be offered a huge natural market—the Intelligence Community and the federal government, plus assistance in testing and perfecting their products for use by the private sector.”  (Shorrock p.144) The interrelationships between the Intelligence Community and the tech community are very widespread, Stephanie O’Sullivan, the CIA’s director for science and technology said in 2006: “There is no technology out there that is not relevant to our mission.”  (Shorrock p.145)

Citing In-Q-Tel as just one example of “private-partnerships” with the technology industry that serve as a “convenient cover for the perpetuation of corporate interests” Tim Shorrock in his book (p. 365) describes In-Q-Tel’s “partnerships” as “masking the fact that the CIA’s investments amounted to a hefty government subsidy that allowed companies to do things like hire lobbyiests to expand their market share.”  And the companies with those expanded market shares are likely to get a pass for when the private surveillance they engage in may flout  laws—   Citing the defense cavalierly offered by the the Chamber of Commerce for AT&T’s secret spying on U.S. citizens, Shorrock writes that “the ultimate result of the privatization of intelligence activities” is that the Chamber’s an amicus defense brief ventures to describe as a “friendly `partnership’” a “secret alliance between business and government that may be one of the most egregious examples of a corporation skirting U.S. privacy and foreign intelligence laws” (p. 366)

In-Q-Tel, designed with a focus on incubating start-ups, is one end, the small company end, of the spectrum of the government as a presence injecting itself into the picking of winners and losers in the market place.  And In-Q-Tel is only one of those government market influences out there; for example, there is also a cousin company of British Intelligence heritage, defense and intelligence research company, QinetiQ Group a privatizing ownership share of which was transferred to the Carlyle Group.  Shorrock writes of George Tenet, former head of the CIA (under whom In-Q-Tel was launched) being on the QinetiQ  board.  The U-less Qs in the names of both these companies are intended to merrily invoke the Q of the James Bond films who equipped 007 with all his disguised tech gadgets.  QinetiQ’s model and influence on the market is different from In-Q-Tel's, buying up other tech companies for Intelligence Community purposes after becoming a privatized part of the Carlyle Group.  (One thing they like is robots.)

The other end of the spectrum of how the government is a presence injecting itself into the picking of winners and losers in the market place is the big company end.  And obviously, Amazon is now a really big company.  (For instance, circa 2014 Amazon was reportedly providing the CIA with cloud computing services pursuant to a $600 million contract.)

When the companies that the United States relies on to do its intelligence work are really huge, when those companies have most of the available experts with security clearances working for them (at higher salaries than individuals working for the government), when those companies have most of the collected data and most of the systems that are up and running that the government has grown dependent on them for, plus when those companies have huge government derived income streams that they can recycle into lobbying for the big shares of secret government budgets that they are allowed to know and can talk about, but that the public isn't allowed to find out about, there is a question of who is running the show.  This question about contracting out is one that Tim Shorrock delves into and contemplates at length in his book mulling it over from many different perspectives.  Finally, while government officials may or may not lose the upper hand, government officials can nevertheless direct huge influence about who amongst these big companies will be the winners or losers in the market.

The implications of huge private corporations having so much power in the Intelligence Community are more pronounced given that, when individuals work for such private corporations, unlike the individuals who work directly for government, loyalties run in the direction of making profit.  By corporate law definition, that means profit first, not patriotism.  Furthermore, loyalties can be bought or sold.  And private corporations pursuing private profit are becoming increasingly multi-national in character and thus untethered from the patriotisms of any particular nations, including ours, that may hire them.  Hiring out to other private firms or interests (not nations) as they are allowed to do, they may be acting with no national patriotism at all.

Bezos started with books, but in time expanded Amazon’s offerings beyond books, including, initially, to some of the other products he was supposed to have been considering early on, music, by selling CDs and videos.  . . .  Nowadays if you want to see a video, a movie, particularly anything you might consider vintage or historic, say you want to see something with a political message, like Seven Days In May (about a military coup against the U.S. President in the Kennedy era) it’s likely you may find that your best chance, your path of least resistance to easily view the film easily will be to pay for it to stream through Amazon.  This is a far cry from the days when pretty much everyone’s  Friday night film viewing came from their local, often independently owned, video store.  In 1988, the year after the home video market surpassed box office revenues, with the number of stores leveling off, (the Blockbuster chain was simultaneously buying another chain to expand) there were 25,000 video stores nationally (about 45,000 other outlets renting tapes); in 1997 there were 23,036.

Video stores are vanishing practically to the point of non-existence, including in New York City. . .  Amazon, with probably lower overhead and fewer employees involved, will charge you about as much, maybe more, than your local video store once charged.  Did you once have a relationship with your local video store operator who knew your tastes, what to recommend intimately?  Think of what Amazon knows about you, learning more each time you rent a film like Seven Days In May.”  Once Amazon just knew the books you read, but now as you might browse to look to possibly buy almost everything in your life through Amazon, Amazon now knows so much more.

In 1998, months after starting it's expansion into music, Amazon announced its expansion beyond books.  At the same time it bought a service that would keep track of your friends and their birthdays, so, for example, Amazon could suggest when it was time to order them presents.

In November 2007 Amazon introduced its, three year in development, Kindle (continually connecting you to the Internet) to sell ebooks, staring with 90,000 books (more than four times as many as Sony offered at the time and 90 percent of the current best sellers) and vowing that its “goal” was “to have every printed book on earth available for instant download.”  Of course, whatever their benefits, the ways in which e-books in contradistinction to physical books, are problematic are manifold, especially in terms of issues of surveillance.

By the beginning of 2010, hardly two years later, with the “nascent” ebook market still “only a few years old,” Amazon was clearly dominating it with an estimated “80 percent of e-book purchases” and by the end of 2010 an expected“50% share.”   The difference in those two percentages offered (books vs. market share) may reflect the low price that Amazon was charging for every book.

Offering best sellers for $9.99, Amazon left no room for any profit margin as it sought to claim virtually the entire market.  In 2013, author (and lawyer) Scott Turow said that Amazon was using “unfair tactics” trying to “monopolize” the e-book market.  He said:
If you price e-books well below the cost, which is what they did for years, it both destroys physical book stores and drives the reading public into the e-book, which of course Amazon dominates.
As the point is made in Scott Turow's quote above, Amazon's disruption of the market not only drove e-book competitors out of the e-book market, but also drove brick and mortar book stores and stores selling physical books into bankruptcy as well.  Furthermore, publishers haven't liked Amazon very well either because they too have found themselves impoverished by Amazon's model.  Their impoverishment can limit support given to authors.

Should we all just relax and surrender to the fact that Amazon dominates the market while pushing digital books?  Citizens Defending Libraries reported last year how New York City library officials were partnering to further promote digital books in a program that featured prizes from Amazon.  See: NYC Library Officials Partner To Promote Digital Books With Prizes From Amazon.

A New York Times Sunday Review Op-ed this week by sociologist and author Eric Klinenberg reminded us that this summer Forbes Magazine ran published an article arguing that Amazon should replace libraries with its own retail outlets, and claimed that most Americans would prefer a free-market option. But, the public response "was so overwhelmingly negative that Forbes deleted the article from its website." 

Amazon has grown fast because its model is to grow fast.  Although its valuation, its gross revenues and its market share keep growing dramatically, Amazon's net revenues have been nearly flat.  Everything goes into expansion.  There have been times in the past when that strategy was problematic and close to edge, a risk to have no profit going out to shareholders, but whatever threats that lack of net return seemed to pose to company or to Jeff Bezos as its leader financing always came to the rescue, and they both survived. . . . and continued to take over market after market.

Amazon should be a walking poster-child advertisement for antitrust litigation and legislation.  Instead, Jeff Bezos owns the Washington Post, the newspaper for the national capital where such issues should be discussed and where the careers and day to day lives of the all the legislators and government officials responsible for the enforcement such antitrust measures are reported on.

The Washington Post has always had a special role in influencing the nation.  We are pretty sure it was Peter Dale Scott, credited with coining the term the "deep state," who in one of his interviews said that the Washington Post along with the New York Times and the LA Times was a preferred outlet by the CIA when it wanted to get its stories out to the public (often without telltale fingerprints).  Whether that's exactly the case, the Washington Post has certainly played an important role historically for the CIA in this regard.

If it all started with BOOKS, why Amazon?  Why not Barnes and Noble?  Why isn't Barnes and Noble now the second biggest company in the United States?

An interesting comparative analysis points out that as of Spring 2017 Amazon increases would have returned 48,197% since their May 15, 1997 (before their 1988 announced expansion beyond books) debut as a public company.  Barnes & Noble would have only returned 26%. Borders went bankrupt! Some other comparatives: Walmart-  +96%; Best Buy: +38% ;  Macys:+19%: Target: +4%: Staples: -50%. 

And Amazon has become the second trillion dollar company in the U.S. even as sales of the digital books it is pushing are dropping for years in succession.

Sunday, January 14, 2018

Good Reason The New Pentagon Papers Movie Was About “The Post,” NOT The New York Times (Drama About Whether Major News Organizations Will Publish Suppressed Stories)

Ironies?- "The Post" is casting about for Academy Awards for its portrayal of the Washington Post's publishing of The Pentagon Papers, when it was the New York Times that won a Pulitzer Prize for being first to publish those documents (upper left).  Meanwhile, the New York Times won a more recent Pulitzer Prize for a story it sought to suppress written by its reporters James Risen (upper right) and Eric Lichtblau.  That story eventually evolved into the Snowden leaks generating a documentary that won an Academy Award  (lower left).  Washington Post publisher Katherine Graham (lower right) won a Pulitzer Prize for telling her version of her life story (after suppressing another).
Will major media organizations cooperate when the powerful don’t want unflattering news to be published, likely making the argument that it won’t be good for the country?  The latest iteration on this theme manifesting in unfolding events today is Trump’s efforts to keep Michael Wolf’s “Fire and Furyout of the bookstores.  The question is one that keeps coming back to present itself over and over.  The close relative to that question is whether news media will willingly slant what it reports.

The other day I went out on impulse without reading any of the reviews to see “The Post,” the new movie out now about the publication of the Pentagon Papers in 1971.  I had just mentioned it in an article.  It was a considerably better film than I might have guessed.  Had I known how good it was I would have strived to see it even sooner.

There’s been a fair amount of chatter about why the film took as its topic The Washington Post, when it was the New York Times that published the Pentagon Papers first, with the Washington Post following next.  Seeing the film, there are some perfectly obvious reasons for choosing to have the film focus on the Post.  The film’s final scene, taking place June 17, 1972 in the Watergate hotel, proclaims Spielberg’s new film as essentially a prequel to another great film about journalism and also about the Washington Post, “All the President’s Men.”  That film came out in 1976.

The Post” is sort of like a super-hero origin movie following much the same formula used in that genre: Katherine Graham, the Washington Post’s publisher in 1971, played by Meryl Streep, finds her super-hero muscles and rises to the occasion saving the day.  The only failure of continuity is that although Washington Post editor Ben Bradlee carries over as a major character to the previously filmed “All the President’s Men” saga, Katherine Graham makes no appearance in that 1976 film at all.

In fact, in putting Graham front and center, “The Post” is very much of its time today in tackling the subject of women: Like the Oscar-contending “Wonder Woman” this year, it is also about how women, previously overlooked in a “man’s” world, can be just as strong or stronger than those who have dominated it.  Steven Spielberg fast-trackedThe Post” to be filmed in the spring of this past year.  Although it didn’t actually get into production until after Trump’s ensconcement in the presidency (with all its associated pussy-grabbing frills), the rights were bought in the fall of 2016, so it is interesting to think that when Liz Hannah and Josh Singer were hoping their script would sell they must have expected Hillary Clinton, a strong D.C. woman, would assume occupancy of the D.C. White House.

There is, however, probably at least one more reason it could be beneficial for the film to have focused on the Washington Post, rather than the New York Times.  It has something to do with reporting that Carl Bernstein did after Watergate.  Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein of Watergate reporting fame, portrayed by Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman in “All the President’s Men,” each went on to respective sequels in their careers.

In October of 1977 (a good five years after the beginning of Watergate and somewhat more than a year after the release of “All the Presidents’ Men”), Carl Bernstein published a comprehensive article in Rolling Stone about the relationship of the CIA and journalists.  That included how the CIA concentrated “its relationships with journalists in the most prominent sectors of the American press corps, including four or five of the largest newspapers in the country, the broadcast networks and the two major newsweekly magazines.”  (See: THE CIA AND THE MEDIA- How Americas Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up, by Carl Bernstein, October 20, 1977.)

One of Bernstein’s revelations was that New York Times publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger signed a secrecy agreement with the CIA in the 1950s.  His son, Arthur Ochs "Punch" Sulzberger Sr., the publisher of the New York Times (from 1963–1997) when it published The Pentagon Papers is played by Gary Wilmes in “The Post.”

Another of Bernstein’s revelations was that from “1950 to 1966, about ten CIA employees were provided Times cover under arrangements approved by” Arthur Hays Sulzberger as publisher, “part of a general Times policy—set by Sulzberger—to provide assistance to the CIA whenever possible.”  That obviously includes years covered by the Pentagon Papers.  Still another of Bernstein’s revelations was that Times columnist C.L. “Cy” Sulzberger, the nephew of Arthur Hays Sulzberger, and the paper’s chief of foreign service from 1944 to 1954, also apparently signed a secrecy agreement with the CIA and at the time of Bernstein’s article was “still regarded as an active asset by the Agency.”  Cy Sulzberger furnished Bernstein some specific denials that require parsing to figure how much he admits or denies he might have done for the secrecy agency.

While Bernstein’s article is filled with lots of well-documented specifics, it is also clear that a lot is left open about what he can conclude for certain, including to what extent the CIA withdrew from such activities by the time of the 1976 Senate Intelligence Committee investigation of the CIA chaired by Senator Frank Church.  There are questions about how deeply the committee pursued investigation of these matters along with questions about how much information the CIA supplied and with what intended slant.  According to Bernstein the “CIA’s intransigence led to an extraordinary dinner meeting at Agency headquarters in late March 1976" that included Senators Frank Church and John Tower, the vice chairman of the committee, CIA director George Herbert Walker Bush and various identified high-level CIA officials at which “the Agency held to its refusal to provide any full files” and refused to give the committee the names of any individual journalists or of the news organizations with whom they were affiliated.

According to Bernstein’s article, “the CIA’s use of journalists continued virtually unabated until 1973 when, in response to public disclosure that the Agency had secretly employed American reporters, William Colby began scaling down the program.”  The Times and the Post started publication of the Pentagon Papers in June of 1971.

As for such "scaling down," Bernstein wrote:
In November 1973, after many such shifts had been made, Colby told reporters and editors from the New York Times and the Washington Star that the Agency had “some three dozen” American newsmen “on the CIA payroll,” including five who worked for “general circulation news organizations.” Yet even while the Senate Intelligence Committee was holding its hearings in 1976, according to high level CIA sources, the CIA continued to maintain ties with seventy five to ninety journalists of every description—executives, reporters, stringers, photographers, columnists, bureau clerks and members of broadcast technical crews. . . . According to an unpublished report by the House Select Committee on Intelligence, chaired by Representative Otis Pike, at least fifteen news organizations were still providing cover for CIA operatives as of 1976.
According to Bernstein, Colby “ordered his deputies to maintain Agency ties with its best journalist contacts while severing formal relationships with many regarded as inactive, relatively unproductive or only marginally important.”

The CIA’s connections with the Pentagon Papers is complicated to say the least.  The Pentagon Papers were in part about things the CIA itself had done.  Then there were the Watergate burglars, who, among other things, broke into office of the psychiatrist for Daniel Ellsberg (who worked for the RAND Corporation) as part of an effort to discredit Ellsberg: One of them E. Howard Hunt has always been cited as an ex-CIA agent, another, Eugenio R. Martinez, according to information recently obtained by a conservative group and furnished as “an exclusive” to Fox News, was a CIA agent at the time.  Further, the CIA was furnishing assistance to Hunt and then after the arrest of the burglars lied to the FBI while engaging in efforts to deflect the FBI from investigating it.

That is a lot in the background to sort through if you are going to make a film about the Times publishing the Pentagon Papers.  Not to say that these kinds of things usually get pushed to the fore in films produced for the American public, but I am sure that the people who write films like these are somewhat in the know about such background and take it into account.  (I read that producer Amy Pascal's father was an economic researcher at the RAND Corporation, apparently at the same time as Daniel Ellsberg.  Script writer/producer Josh Singer wrote West Wings and another recent journalism film, "Spotlight.")  It is perhaps simpler to make the film from the vantage of what happened at the Washington Post.

The Times absolutely does make its appearances as sort of its own character in “The Post.”   In fact, in July the Times ran an article about how a New York City Landmark, the General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen in mid-Manhattan, was gussied up to serve in the film as a stand-in for the former Times Building at 229 West 43rd Street with an approximation of its style.  Mostly, the film presents what is going on at the Times as something of mystery, the leaked papers are being labored over off-site at a hotel suite with great secrecy.  Exactly, who is keeping what secret from whom and why is not fully explicated.  The film, looking in from the outside, never has to get into the questions of internal Times dynamics of who could be trusted.  (When the Washington Post undertakes its own work on the papers it parallels setting up its own off-site location for the work.) 

While making a film about The Washington Post instead of the Times could perhaps make questions about the CIA’s presence in the journalism world easier, it doesn’t actually make them go away.  Carl Bernstein’s article describes how multiple major news organizations were entangled with the CIA: CBS News* was a big one.   He explained that at the time of the 1976 Senate bearings, CIA officials “refused to say whether the CIA was still maintaining active relationships with members of the ABC News organization” with the cover arrangements “made with the knowledge of ABC executives.”
(* NOTE: Movies about CBS News journalism include “Good Night, and Good Luck,”  “The Insider” and  “Truth.” “The Insider” is similar to “The Post” in the way that corporate profit comes into play, something that The Intercept's film review hones in on instead of other aspects you might expect.  “Truth” tells about how CBS having corporate needs to ingratiate itself with the Bush White House dismantled one of its star news teams.)
Among those major media organizations also mentioned were Time magazine (I have written about Time magazine twice recently concerning the implications of the Koch brothers acquisition of ownership) and Newsweek magazine.

As for the Washington Post for which Bernstein famously worked reporting on the Watergate scandal, Bernstein writes:
Information about Agency dealings with the Washington Post newspaper is extremely sketchy. According to CIA officials, some Post stringers have been CIA employees, but these officials say they do not know if anyone in the Post management was aware of the arrangements.
Bernstein also writes that when “Newsweek was purchased by the Washington Post Company, publisher Philip L. Graham [Katherine Graham’s husband] was informed by Agency officials that the CIA occasionally used the magazine for cover purposes, according to CIA sources,” and that a former deputy director of the CIA said that, “It was widely known that Phil Graham was somebody you could get help from.”

There is another way this story can be told.  That version of the story is that sale of Newsweek to the Washington Post was more or less brokered by Richard Helms, the future head of the CIA and Ben Bradlee who was then at Newsweek (after an earlier stint at the Post), so as to ensure that the CIA's Newsweek activity could be perpetuated with the Washington Post becoming part of it.  Newsweek was owned by Helms grandfather.

Was Bernstein too reticent concerning what he said about his former employers?  The version of events involving Bradlee and Helms was in "Katherine The Great: Katherine Graham and the Washington Post," an unflattering biography of Graham by Deborah Davis, the first edition of which Graham sued to get removed from the bookstores.  That first edition was published in 1979, two years after Bernstein's article.  Katherine Graham later got to tell things her own way publishing her autobiography to get another of those Pulitzer Prizes.

Bernstein goes on to report that Frank Wisner, deputy director of the CIA from 1950 dealt with Phil Graham until not very long before Wisner’s shotgun suicide October 29, 1965. He explains that Wisner was “the Agency's premier orchestrator of `black’ operations, including many in which journalists were involved.”

“The Post” carefully makes part of its explication the fact that Katherine Graham assumed responsibility for the paper after her husband Phil Graham’s own shotgun suicide, August 3, 1963 (shortly after he reportedly engaged in an odd public disclosure about JFK’s CIA/Wisner-connected mistress Mary Pinchot Meyer, sister-in-law to Ben Bradlee*, who was murdered by gun October 12, 1964).
(*  NOTE:  There is a tantalizing story here about Mary Pinchot Meyer's diary after she died if someone wants to make yet one more film, a pre-Pentagon Papers film, in which Ben Bradlee would have an important part.  It's not clear it would be a film mostly about journalism.  It is not at all clear to what genre such a film would best adapt.  There is a “documentary” just about Bradlee that fails in this regard- HBO’s recent “The Newspaperman: The Life and Times of Ben Bradlee,” basically the audio-book version of Bradlee’s autobiography with pictures, that is truncated and elides the diary episode to a much greater degree than the original book.)
About Katherine Graham and CIA connections to the Post under her reign Bernstein has this to say:
Katharine Graham, Philip Graham’s widow and the current publisher of the Post, says she has never been informed of any CIA relationships with either Post or Newsweek personnel. In November of 1973, Mrs. Graham called William Colby and asked if any Post stringers or staff members were associated with the CIA. Colby assured her that no staff members were employed by the Agency but refused to discuss the question of stringers. 
One of the themes of “The Post” is about how personal relationships between the powerful, press owners included, influences the reporting of and possible suppression of the news.  A delightfully revelatory line in “The Post,” delivered as almost a throwaway, is when the Katherine Graham character talking with the Robert McNamara character, Secretary of Defense under presidents Kennedy and Johnson, who does not want the Pentagon Papers he commissioned to see the light of day.  She acknowledges her respectful thanks to McNamara for picking “every member” of her board.  There are many wistful shots of photographs of the senior newspeople with the Kennedys and the movie conveys that because JFK’s assassination was such a personal loss for them their professional duties likely got sidestepped in the past.

In a plot-simplifying zeal for a bipartisan pox on everybody's house, the film throws under the bus any mention of President Kennedy's moves in the direction of winding down the Vietnam War, something not focused on when the Pentagon papers were published even though they contained an entire 60 page chapter concerning the Kennedy/McNamara plans abandoned by Johnson.

Personal relationships affecting journalism is a theme of Bernstein’s article too.  He speaks of how Times publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger “was especially close to Allen Dulles,” the first civilian Director of Central Intelligence, and its longest-serving director to date, quoting a high-level CIA official as saying,  “At that level of contact it was the mighty talking to the mighty.”  Bernstein asserts CIA recruitment of prestigious journalists began under Dulles and that “contacts with the heads of news organizations were normally initiated by Dulles” or others very high up in the CIA.  Working with the heads of news organizations was helpful because as senators were told by one of the heads of the Senate committee investigation who was explaining the “incredible spread of relationships”: “You don’t need to manipulate Time magazine, for example, because there are Agency people at the management level.”

The CIA didn’t have to engage in formal hiring of journalists if journalists thought the same way and simply considered themselves part of the same team America.  In this regard Bernstein explains that many of the journalists “had gone to the same schools as their CIA handlers, moved in the same circles, shared fashionably liberal, anti Communist political values, and were part of the same `old boy' network that constituted something of an establishment elite in the media, politics and academia of postwar America.” (Full disclosure: Katherine Graham was a classmate of my Aunt Nancy- also in publishing- at The Madeira School, and yes, I do believe that such school relationships can count for a lot.)

There are other backdrops against which any telling of the story of publication of the Pentagon Papers can be put. 

Media critic Edward S. Herman, coauthor with Noam Chomsky of “Manufacturing Consent,” recently died.  Before he did, he wrote a last article highly critical of misleading reporting by the New York Times, which ran in the July/August 2017 edition of Monthly Review: Fake News on Russia and Other Official Enemies- The New York Times, 1917-2017.  The article covers Times  misrepresentation about communism and about Russia as a threatening communist state.  Vietnam was obviously fought as a war against communism.  In one section Herman’s article criticizes the Times misleading reporting about the Vietnam War by the Times, that, in Herman’s view, was not solved even if the Times grew “steadily more oppositional” to the war “from 1965, culminating in the publication of the Pentagon Papers in 1971.”

It's easier to end by triumphantly saying `and then the Washington Post took on Richard Nixon’s Watergate abuses,’ than to put Pentagon Papers publication heroism against the backdrop of other recent New York Times activity. . .

. .   There is a new tale now out about one of the Times decisions of this nature.  The Times (with some attendant suspense) was awarded a Pulitzer Prize for publication of the Pentagon Papers.  The tale of what happened more recently involves a Pulitzer Prize opportunity the Times nearly shirked.  In 2004 in the months running up to the Bush/Kerry presidential election, the Times was cooperating with the George W. Bush administration to suppress what was ultimately a Pulitzer Prize-winning story by its reporters James Risen and Eric Lichtblau about the administration’s secret illegal and unconstitutional surveillance of the American public.  The bigger, wider version of this story was later made public by the Edward Snowden leaks.  That ultimately became the basis for the last two important films about truth-to-power adventures in adversarial journalism ethics: The academy award winning documentary “Citizenfour” and the parallel Oliver Stone directed drama“Snowden.”

The Times suppression of the story could be the basis for a film itself.  The Pulitzer Prize-winning story was published by the New York Times only because one of its reporters, Risen, was about to publish a book including the information the Times was withholding from the public.  According to Risen, New York Times senior editors, in suppressive mode right up until the end, expressed anger about Risen’s book being published together with their view that Risen didn’t have the right to publish it.  Unfortunately, as a matter of timing, Times suppression of the story caused it to be run after its publication could have had likely consequence in the 2004 Bush/Kerry election.

Preparing to write this article I compiled a list of films about actual American journalism events.  I chronologized it by the dates that the dramas respecting their reporting took place:  A Timeline of Reporting Dramas: Movies About Journalistic Coverage of Real Public Issues and Events, January 7, 2018.

Reviewing the list it is interesting to note how there are long gaps in the history with which the cinema going public has been furnished where there are no tales of journalistic heroism, almost as if nothing was happening in this country at those times although that is hardly the case.  Does that just mean that no one was speaking truth to power then?

Looking at those gaps, there are doubtless some great films to be made.  Not all films about journalism are about journalism’s successes.  “Shattered Glass” is about manufactured news going undetected and “Truth” was about Dan Rather and his CBS 60 Minutes Peabody Award-winning news team being tripped up by somebody mysteriously in the shadows supplying sophisticatedly fake documents in connection with their reporting of a basically true story about preferential treatment of George W. Bush in the National Guard (1968 to 1973 during which time Bush did not show up for a medical exam and stopped fulfilling his flying commitments).   “The Insider” concerning a tobacco industry whistle-blower and once again concerning the CBS 60 Minutes news show shares some themes with “The Post”: Its villains would also sacrifice journalistic integrity and a duty to the public for the benefit of profit-motivated business interests.

As these dramas can also be about failures of journalistic responsibility, there is no reason that an excellent future film can’t be made about Judith Miller and addressing how the New York Times had to eventually repudiate her reporting that it published about weapons of mass destruction.  That reporting contributed to the run up to the second Iraq war.  The Washington Post editorial board also admitted that it had been “insufficiently skeptical of intelligence reports” in its pro-war editorials.

There are also those who, telling this story, say that the Washington Post was far more involved with the Deep State than Carl Bernstein reported in 1977, and thus maybe even more involved than the Times.  Additionally, as vaguely alluded to in "The Post" there are accounts that Daniel Ellsberg was fishing around to offer the Pentagon Papers to the Washington Post first through editorial page editor Phil Geyelin (if not actually giving documents to him) and was rejected by the heroes of "The Post" before he approached Neil Sheehan and the Times.

No matter, all things considered, it seems there were plenty of good reasons a film being made today about publication of the Pentagon Papers to focus on the Washington Post, not the New York Times.  Just one of those good reasons is that it leaves people chattering about which paper the film should have been about rather than more troublesome issues.  A fight about bragging rights maintains the supposition that everything there is worthy of being bragged about.

At one point "The Post" incorporates a quote that Phil Graham famously adopted as his own: that journalism provides us with the "first rough draft of history."   He went on to say it would never be completed and was "about a world we can never really understand."   What does it mean that docudramas furnishing far from perfect facsimiles of the truth, are now the draft through which so many of us understand the narrative of our history (and the way journalists dished it up for us)?

Tom Hanks, revered in this time of sex scandals and "Times-Up" Golden Globe ceremonies, as the last decent man in the world, is not the "real-life" Ben Bradlee.  "Deep Throat" was not really Hal Holbrook.  Do we think we now know enough about who "Deep Throat" actually was to do a reboot of one of the greatest classics of American cinema, "All The President's Men"?  What we think we know would probably have to change the story-line appreciably.  But there is still some disagreement about who we think we know "Deep Throat" was, and I'm sure there'd also be disagreement about launching a reboot.

As for future sequels, whether it's the fictional depictions or the real life accounts, the powerful in the powerful city that D.C. is have always hovered around the Washington Post and its owners hoping to extend their power.  In the tradition of other cinemactic heroes, the Washington Post was held up for us to be able to admire that power in these films. . .  and we were encouraged to root for it.

The Washington Post was bought in 2013.  It is now owned by somebody who was already powerful,  one of the richest eight men on earth who combined own as much wealth as half the human race, Amazon owner, Jeff Bezos.  To complete the circle of our concerns, Bezos is doing at work for the CIA reportedly providing the CIA with cloud computing services pursuant to a $600 million contract ("Think of it as the intelligence community sharing information behind a walled castle apart from the rest of the world operating on the Internet").  Amazon and Bezos could provide a lot more.  Up there in that cloud it knows a lot about an awful lot of us.
(PS:  For a more detailed, methodical and informed analysis of fact verses fiction in “The Post,” plus some very valid insightful comment on its acting and film craft you will probably want to read the Consortium News review- ‘The Post’ and the Pentagon Papers, January 22, 2018.)